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———————————  MR. IRVING'S
acquaintance at Montreal, many years since, with some of the principle
partners of the great North-West Fur Company, was the means of
interesting
him deeply in the varied concerns of trappers, hunters, and Indians,
and
in all the adventurous details connected with the commerce in peltries.
Not long after his return from his late tour to the prairies, he held a
conversation with his friend, Mr. John Jacob Astor, of New York, in
relation
to an enterprise set on foot, and conducted by that gentleman, about
the
year 1812, — an enterprise having for its object a participation, on
the
most extensive scale, in the fur trade carried on with the Indians in
all
the western and northwestern regions of North America. Finding Mr. I.
fully
alive
to the exciting interest of this subject, Mr. Astor was induced to
express
a regret that the true nature and extent of the enterprise, together
with
its great national character and importance, had never been generally
comprehended;
and a wish that Mr. Irving would undertake to give an account of it. To
this he consented. All the papers relative to the matter were submitted
to his inspection; and the volumes now before us (two well-sized
octavos)
are the result. The work has been accomplished in a masterly manner —
the
modesty of the title affording no indication of the fulness,
comprehensiveness,
and beauty, with which a long and entangled series of detail,
collected,
necessarily, from a mass of [page 421:] vague and imperfect
data, has been wrought
into completeness and unity.Supposing our readers acquainted with
the main features
of the original fur trade in America, we shall not follow Mr. Irving in
his vivid account of the primitive French Canadian Merchant, his jovial
establishments and dependants — of the licensed traders, missionaries, voyageurs,
and coureurs des bois — of the
British Canadian
Fur Merchant — of the rise of the great Company of the "North-West,"
its
constitution and internal trade, its parliamentary hall and banqueting
room, its boatings, its huntings, its wassailings, and other
magnificent
feudal doings in the wilderness. It was the British Mackinaw Company
we
presume, — (a Company established in rivalry of the "North-West,") the scene
of whose main operations first aroused the
attention of our
government. Its chief factory was established at Michilimackinac, and
sent
forth its perogues, by Green Bay, Fox River, and the Wisconsin, to the
Mississippi, and thence to all its tributary streams — in this way,
hoping
to monopolize the trade with all the Indian tribes on the southern and
western waters of our own territory, as the "North-West" had
monopolized
it along the waters of the North. Of course, we now began to view with
a jealous eye, and to make exertions for counteracting the influence
hourly
acquired over our own aborigines by these immense combinations of
foreigners.
In 1796, the United States sent out agents to establish rival trading
houses
on the frontier, and thus, by supplying the wants of the Indians, to
link
their interests with ours, and to divert the trade, if possible, into
national
channels. The enterprise failed — being, we suppose, inefficiently
conducted
and supported; and the design was never afterwards attempted until by
the
individual means and energy of Mr. Astor. John Jacob Astor was born in Waldorf,
a German village,
near Heidelberg, on the banks of the Rhine. While yet a youth, he
foresaw
that he would arrive at great wealth, and, leaving home, took his way,
alone, to London, where he found himself at the close of the American
Revolution.
An elder brother being in the United States, he followed him there. In
January, 1784, he arrived in Hampton Roads, with some little
merchandise
suited to the American market. On the passage, he had become [page
422:] acquainted
with a countryman of his, a furrier, from whom he derived much
information
in regard to furs, and the manner of conducting the trade.
Subsequently,
he accompanied this gentleman to New York, and, by his advice, invested
the proceeds of his merchandise in peltries. With these, he sailed to
London,
and, having disposed of his adventure advantageously, he returned the
same
year (1784) to New York, with a view of settling in the United States,
and prosecuting the business thus commenced. Mr. Astor's beginnings in
this way were necessarily small — but his perseverance was indomitable,
his integrity unimpeachable, and his economy of the most rigid kind.
"To
these," says Mr. Irving, "were added an aspiring spirit, that always
looked
upward; a genius bold, fertile, and expansive; a sagacity quick to
grasp
and convert every circumstance to its advantage, and a singular and
never
wavering confidence of signal success." These opinions are more than
re-echoed
by the whole crowd of Mr. Astor's numerous acquaintances and friends,
and
are most strongly insisted upon by those who have the pleasure of
knowing
him best. In the United States, the fur trade
was not yet sufficiently
organized to form a regular line of business. Mr. A. made annual visits
to Montreal for the purpose of buying peltries; and, as no direct trade
was permitted from Canada to any country but England, he shipped them,
when
bought, immediately to London. This difficulty being removed, however,
by the treaty of 1795, he made a contract for furs with the North-West
Company, and imported them from Montreal into the United States —
thence,
shipping a portion to different parts of Europe, as well as to the
principal
market in China. By the treaty just spoken of, the
British possessions
on our side of the Lakes were given up, and an opening made for the
American
fur-trader on the confines of Canada, and within the territories of the
United States. Here, Mr. Astor, about the year 1807, adventured largely
on his own account; his increased capital now placing him among the
chief
of American merchants. The influence of the Mackinaw Company, however,
proved too much for him, and he was induced to consider the means of
entering
into successful competition. He was aware of the wish [page 423:]
of the Government
to concentrate the fur-trade within its boundaries in the hands of its
own citizens; and he now offered, if national aid or protection should
be afforded, "to turn the whole of the trade into American channels."
He
was invited to unfold his plans, and they were warmly approved, but, we
believe, little more. The countenance of the Government was,
nevertheless,
of much importance, and, in 1809, he procured, from the legislature of
New York, a charter, incorporating a company, under the name of the
"American
Fur Company," with a capital of one million of dollars, and the
privilege
of increasing it to two. He himself constituted the Company, and
furnished
the capital. The board of directors was merely nominal, and the whole
business
was conducted with his own resources, and according to his own will. We here pass over Mr. Irving's lucid,
although brief
account of the fur-trade in the Pacific, of Russian and American
enterprise
on the North-western coast, and of the discovery by Captain Gray, in
1792,
of the mouth of the river Columbia. He proceeds to speak of Captain
Jonathan
Carver, of the British provincial army. In 1763, shortly after the
acquisition
of the Canadas by Great Britain, this gentleman projected a journey
across
the continent, between the forty-third and forty-sixth degrees of
northern
latitude, to the shores of the Pacific. His objects were "to ascertain
the breadth of the continent at its broadest part, and to determine on
some place on the shores of the Pacific, where Government might
establish
a post to facilitate the discovery of a North-west passage, or a
communication
between Hudson's Bay and the Pacific Ocean." He failed twice in
individual
attempts to accomplish this journey. In 1774, Richard Whitworth, a
member
of Parliament, came into this scheme of Captain Carver's. These two
gentlemen
determined to take with them fifty or sixty men, artificers and
mariners,
to proceed up one of the branches of the Missouri, find the source of
the
Oregon, (the Columbia,) and sail down the river to its mouth. Here, a
fort
was to be erected, and the vessels built necessary to carry into
execution
their purposed discoveries by sea. The British Government sanctioned
the
plan, and everything was [page 424:] ready for the undertaking,
when the American
Revolution prevented it. The expedition of Sir Alexander
Mackenzie is well
known. In 1793, he crossed the continent, and reached the Pacific Ocean
in latitude 52° 20' 48". In latitude 52° 30', he partially
descended
a river flowing to the South, and which he erroneously supposed to be
the
Columbia. Some years afterwards, he published an account of his
journey,
and suggested the policy of opening an intercourse between the Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans, and forming regular establishments "through the
interior
and at both extremes, as well as along the coasts and islands." Thus,
he
thought the entire command of the fur trade of North America might be
obtained from latitude 48° north to the pole, excepting that
portion
held by the Russians. As to the "American adventurers" along the coast,
he spoke of them as entitled to but little consideration. "They would
instantly disappear," he said, "before a well regulated trade." Owing
to the jealousy existing between the Hudson's Bay and North-west
Company,
this idea of Sir Alexander Mackenzie's was never carried into
execution. The successful attempt of Messieurs
Lewis and Clarke
was accomplished, it will be remembered, in 1804. Their course was
that
proposed by Captain Carver in 1774. They passed up the Missouri to its
head waters, crossed the Rocky Mountains, discovered the source of the
Columbia, and followed that river down to its mouth. Here they spent
the
winter, and retraced their steps in the spring. Their reports declared
it practicable to establish a line of communication across the
continent,
and first inspired Mr. Astor with the design of "grasping with his
individual
hands this great enterprise, which, for years, had been dubiously, yet
desirously
contemplated by powerful associations and maternal governments." His scheme was gradually matured. Its
main features
were as follows. A line of trading posts was to be established along
the
Missouri and Columbia, to the mouth of the latter, where was to be
founded
the chief mart. On all the tributary streams throughout this immense
route
were to be situated inferior posts trading directly with the Indians
for
their pelties. All these posts would draw upon the mart at the Columbia
for their [page 425:] supplies of goods, and would send thither
the furs collected.
At this latter place also, were to be built and fitted out coasting
vessels,
for the purpose of trading along the North-west coast, returning with
the
proceeds of their voyages to the same general rendezvous. In this
manner,
the whole Indian trade, both of the coast and the interior, would
converge
to one point. To this point, in continuation of his plan, Mr. Astor
proposed
to despatch, every year, a ship with the necessary supplies. She would
receive the peltries collected, carry them to Canton, there invest the
proceeds in merchandise, and return to New York. Another point was also to be attended
to. In coasting
to the North-west, the ship would be brought into contact with the
Russian
Fur Company's establishments in that quarter; and, as a rivalry might
ensue,
it was politic to conciliate the good will of that body. It depended
chiefly,
for its supplies, upon transient trading vessels from the United
States.
The owners of these vessels, having nothing beyond their individual
interests
to consult, made no scruple of furnishing the natives with fire arms,
and
were thus productive of much injury. To this effect, the Russian
government
had remonstrated with the United States, urging to have the traffic in
arms prohibited — but, no municipal law being infringed, our
government
could not interfere. Still, it was anxious not to offend Russia, and
applied
to Mr. Astor for information as to the means of remedying the evil,
knowing
him to be well versed in all the concerns of the trade in question.
This
application suggested to him the idea of paying a regular visit to the
Russian settlements with his annual ship. Thus, being kept regularly in
supplies, they would be independent of the casual traders, who would,
consequently,
be excluded from the coast. This whole scheme, Mr. Astor communicated
to
President Jefferson, soliciting the countenance of Government. The
cabinet
"joined in warm approbation of the plan, and held out assurance of
every
protection that could, consistently with general policy, be afforded." In speaking of the motives which
actuated Mr. Astor
in an enterprize so extensive, Mr. Irving, we are willing to believe,
has
done that high-minded gentleman no more than the simplest species of
justice.
"He was already," says our author, "wealthy [page 426:] beyond
the ordinary desires
of man, but he now aspired to that honorable fame which is awarded to
men of similar scope of mind, who, by their great commercial
enterprises,
have enriched nations, peopled wildernesses, and extended the bounds of
empire. He considered his projected establishment at the mouth of the
Columbia,
as the emporium to an immense commerce; as a colony that would form the
germ of a wide civilization; that would, in fact, carry the American
population
across the Rocky Mountains, and spread it along the shores of the
Pacific,
as it already animated the shores of the Atlantic." A few words in relation to the
North-west company.
This body, following out in part the suggestion of Sir Alexander
Mackenzie,
had already established a few trading posts on the coast of the
Pacific,
in a region lying about two degrees north of the Columbia — thus
throwing
itself between the Russian and American territories. They would contend
with Mr. Astor at an immense disadvantage, of course. They had no good
post for the receipt of supplies by sea; and must get them with great
risk,
trouble and expense, over land. Their peltries also would have to be
taken
home the same way — for they were not at liberty to interfere with the
East
India company's monopoly, by shipping them directly to China. Mr. Astor
would therefore greatly undersell them in that, the principal market.
Still,
as any competition would prove detrimental to both parties, Mr. A. made
known his plans to the North-west company, proposing to interest them
one-third in his undertaking. The British company, however, had several
reasons
for declining the proposition — not the least forcible of which we
presume,
was their secret intention to push on a party forthwith, and forestall
their rival in establishing a settlement at the mouth of the Columbia. In the meantime Mr. Astor did not
remain idle. His
first care was to procure proper coadjutors, and he was induced to seek
them principally from among such clerks of the North-west company, as
were
dissatisfied with their situation in that body — having served out
their
probationary term, and being still, through want of influence, without
a prospect of speedy promotion. From among these (generally men of
capacity
and experience in their particular business), Mr. A. obtained the
services
of Mr. Alexander [page 427:] M'Kay (who had accompanied Sir
Alexander Mackenzie in
both of his expeditions), Mr. Donald M'Kenzie, and Mr. Duncan M'Dougal.
Mr. Wilson Price Hunt, a native citizen of New Jersey, and a gentleman
of great worth, was afterwards selected by Mr. Astor as his chief
agent,
and as the representative of himself at the contemplated establishment.
In June, 1810, "articles of agreement were entered into between Mr.
Astor
and these four gentlemen, acting for themselves, and for the several
persons
who had already agreed to become, or should thereafter become,
associated
under the firm of "The Pacific Fur Company." This agreement
stipulated
that Mr. A. was to be the head of the company, to manage its affairs at
New York, and to furnish every thing requisite for the enterprise at
first
cost and charges, provided an advance of more than four hundred
thousand
dollars should not at any time be involved. The stock was to consist of
a hundred shares, Mr. Astor taking fifty, the rest being divided among
the other partners and their associates. A general meeting was to be
held
annually at Columbia river, where absent members might vote by proxy.
The
association was to continue twenty years — but might be dissolved
within
the first five years, if found unprofitable. For these five years Mr.
A.
agreed to bear all the loss that might be incurred. An agent, appointed
for a like term, was to reside at the main establishment, and Mr. Hunt
was the person first selected. Mr. Astor determined to begin his
enterprise with
two expeditions — one by sea, the other by land. The former was to
carry
out every thing necessary for the establishment of a fortified post at
the mouth of the Columbia. The latter, under the conduct of Mr. Hunt,
was
to proceed up the Missouri and across the Rocky Mountains to the same
point.
In the course of this over-land journey, the most practicable line of
communication
would be explored, and the best situations noted for the location of
trading
rendezvous. Following Mr. Irving in our brief summary of his narrative,
we will now give some account of the first of these expeditions. A ship was provided called the
Tonquin, of two hundred
and ninety tons, with ten guns, and twenty men. Lieutenant Jonathan
Thorn
of the United States navy, being on leave of absence, [page 428:]
received the
command.
He was a man of courage, and had distinguished himself in the
Tripolitan
war. Four of the partners went in the ship — M'Kay and M'Dougal, of
whom
we have already spoken, and Messieurs David and Robert Stuart, new
associates
in the firm. M'Dougal was empowered to act as the proxy of Mr. Astor in
the absence of Mr. Hunt. Twelve clerks were also of the party. These
were
bound to the service of the company for five years, and were to receive
one hundred dollars a year, payable at the expiration of the term, with
an annual equipment of clothing to the amount of forty dollars. By
promises
of future promotion, their interests were identified with those of Mr.
Astor. Thirteen Canadian voyageurs, and several artisans, completed the
ship's company. On the 8th of September, 1810, the Tonquin put to sea.
Of her voyage to the mouth of the Columbia, Mr. Irving has given a
somewhat
ludicrous account. Thorn, the stern, straight-forward officer of the
navy,
having few ideas beyond those of duty and discipline, and looking with
supreme contempt upon the motley "lubbers" who formed the greater part
of his company, is painted with the easy yet spirited pencil of an
artist
indeed; while M'Dougal, the shrewd Scotch partner, bustling, yet
pompous,
and impressed with lofty notions of his own importance as proxy for Mr.
Astor, is made as supremely ridiculous as possible, with as little
apparent
effort as can well be imagined; — the portraits, however, carry upon
their
faces the evidence of their own authenticity. The voyage is prosecuted
amid a series of petty quarrels, and cross purposes, between the
captain
and his crew, and, occasionally, between Mr. M'Kay and Mr. M'Dougal.
The
contests between the two latter gentlemen were brief, it appears,
although
violent. "Within fifteen minutes," says Captain Thorn in a letter to
Mr.
Astor, "they would be caressing each other like children." The Tonquin
doubled Cape Horn on Christmas day, arrived at Owhyhee on the eleventh
of February, took on board fresh provisions, sailed again with twelve
Sandwich
islanders on the 28th, and on the 22d of March arrived at the mouth of
the Columbia. In seeking a passage across the bar, a boat and nine men
were lost among the breakers. On the way from Owhyhee a violent storm
occurred;
and the bickerings still continued between the [page 429:]
partners and the captain
— the latter, indeed, grievously suspecting the former of a design to
depose
him. The Columbia, for about forty miles
from its mouth,
is, strictly speaking, an estuary, varying in breadth from three to
seven
miles, and indented by deep bays. Shoals and other obstructions render
the navigation dangerous. Leaving this broad portion of the stream in
the
progress upwards, we find the mouth of the river proper — which is
about
half a mile wide. The entrance to the estuary from sea is bounded on
the
south by a long, low, and sandy beach stretching into the ocean, and
called
Point Adams. On the northern side of the frith is Cape Disappointment,
a steep promontory. Immediately east of this cape is Baker's Bay, and
within
this the Toniquin came to anchor. Jealousies still continued between
the captain and
the worthy M'Dougal, who could come to no agreement in regard to the
proper
location for the contemplated establishment. On April the fifth,
without
troubling himself farther with the opinions of his coadjutors, Mr.
Thorn
landed in Baker's Bay, and began operations. At this summary
proceeding,
the partners were, of course, in high dudgeon, and an open quarrel
seemed
likely to ensue, to the serious detriment of the enterprise. These
difficulties,
however, were at length arranged, and finally on the 12th of April, a
settlement
was commenced at a point of land called Point George, on the southern
shore
of the frith. Here was a good harbor, where vessels of two hundred tons
might anchor within fifty yards of the shore. In honor of the chief
partner,
the new post received the title of Astoria. After much delay,
the
portion of the cargo destined for the post was landed, and the Tonquin
left free to proceed on her voyage. She was to coast to the north, to
trade
for peltries at the different harbors, and to touch at Astoria on her
return in the autumn. Mr. M'Kay went in her as supercargo, and a Mr.
Lewis
as ship's clerk. On the morning of the 5th of June she stood out
to sea, the whole number of persons on board amounting to three and
twenty.
In one of the outer bays Captain Thorn procured the services of an
Indian
named Lamazee, who had already made two voyages along the coast, and
who
agreed to accompany him as interpreter. In a few days the ship arrived
at Vancouver's island, and came to [page 430:] anchor in the
harbor of Neweetee,
much
against the advice of the Indian, who warned Captain Thorn of the
perfidious
character of the natives. The result was the merciless butchery of the
whole crew, with the exception of the interpreter and Mr. Lewis, the
ship's
clerk. The latter, finding himself mortally wounded and without
companions,
blew up the ship and perished with more than a hundred of the enemy.
Lamazee,
getting among the Indians, escaped, and was the means of bearing the
news
of the disaster to Astoria. In relating at length the thrilling details
of this catastrophe, Mr. Irving takes occasion to comment on the
headstrong,
although brave and strictly honorable character of Lieutenant Thorn.
The
danger
and folly, on the part of agents, in disobeying the matured
instructions
of those who deliberately plan extensive enterprises, such as that of
Mr.
Astor, is also justly and forcibly shown. The misfortune here spoken
of,
arose, altogether, from a disregard of Mr. A's often repeated advice —
to admit but few Indians on board the Tonquin at one time. Her loss was
a serious blow to the infant establishment at Astoria. To this post let
us now return. The natives inhabiting the borders of
the estuary
were divided into four tribes, of which the Chinooks were the
principal.
Comcomly, a one-eyed Indian, was their chief. These tribes resembled
each
other in nearly every respect, and were, no doubt, of a common stock.
They
live chiefly by fishing — the Columbia and its tributary streams
abounding
in fine salmon, and a variety of other fish. A trade in peltries, but
to
no great amount, was immediately commenced and carried on. Much
disquiet
was occasioned at the post by a rumor among the Indians that thirty
white
men had appeared on the banks of the Columbia, and were building houses
at the second rapids. It was feared that these were an advance party of
the North-west company endeavoring to seize upon the upper parts of the
river, and thus forestall Mr. Astor in the trade of the surrounding
country.
Bloody feuds in this case might be anticipated, such as had prevailed
between
rival companies in former times. The intelligence of the Indians proved
true — the "North-west" had erected a trading house on the Spokan
river,
which falls into the north branch of the Columbia. The Astorians could
do little to [page 431:] oppose them in their present reduced
state as to numbers.
It was resolved, however, to advance a counter-check to the post on the
Spokan, and Mr. David Stuart prepared to set out for this purpose with
eight men and a small assortment of goods. On the fifteenth of July,
when
this expedition was about starting, a canoe, manned with nine white
men,
and bearing the British flag, entered the harbor. They proved to be the
party dispatched by the rival company to anticipate Mr. Astor in the
settlement
at the mouth of the river. Mr. David Thompson, their leader, announced
himself as a partner of the "North-west" — but otherwise gave a very
peaceable
account of himself. It appears, however, from information subsequently
derived from other sources, that he had hurried with a desperate haste
across the mountains, calling at all the Indian villages in his march,
presenting them with British flags, and "proclaiming formally that he
took
possession of the country for the North-west company, and in the name
of the king
of Great Britain." His plan was defeated, it seems, by the desertion of
a portion of his followers, and it was thought probable that he now
merely
descended the river with a view of reconnoitering. M'Dougal treated the
gentlemen with great kindness, and supplied them with goods and
provisions
for their journey back across the mountains — this much against the
wishes
of Mr. David Stuart, "who did not think the object of their visit
entitled
them to any favor." A letter for Mr. Astor was entrusted to Thompson. On the twenty-third of July, the
party for the region
of the Spokan set out, and after a voyage of much interest, succeeded
in
establishing the first interior trading post of the company. It was
situated
on a point of land about three miles long and two broad, formed by the
junction of the Oakinagan with the Columbia. In the meantime the
Indians
near Astoria began to evince a hostile disposition, and a reason for
this
altered demeanor was soon after found in the report of the loss of the
Tonquin. Early in August the settlers received intelligence of her
fate.
They now found themselves in a perilous situation, a mere handful of
men,
on a savage coast, and surrounded by barbarous enemies. From their
dilemma
they were relieved, for the present, by the ingenuity of M'Dougal. The
natives had a great dread of the [page 432:] small-pox, which
had appeared among
them
a few years before, sweeping off entire tribes. They believed it an
evil
either inflicted upon them by the Great Spirit, or brought among them
by
the white men. Seizing upon this latter idea, M'Dougal assembled
several
of the chieftains whom he believed to be inimical, and informing them
that
he had heard of the treachery of their northern brethren in regard to
the
Tonquin, produced from his pocket a small bottle. "The white men among
you," said he, "are few in number, it is true, but they are mighty in
medicine.
See here! In this bottle I hold the small-pox safely corked up; I have
but
to draw the cork and let loose the pestilence, to sweep man, woman and
child from the face of the earth!" The chiefs were dismayed. They
represented
to the "Great Small-Pox Chief" that they were the firmest friends of
the
white men, that they had nothing to do with the villains who murdered
the
crew of the Tonquin, and that it would be unjust, in uncorking the
bottle,
to destroy the innocent with the guilty. M'Dougal was convinced. He
promised
not to uncork it until some overt act should compel him to do so. In
this
manner tranquillity was restored to the settlement. A large house was
now
built, and the frame of a schooner put together. She was named the
Dolly,
and was the first American vessel launched on the coast. But our limits
will not permit us to follow too minutely the details of the
enterprize.
The adventurers kept up their spirits, sending out occasional foraging
parties in the Dolly, and looking forward to the arrival of Mr. Hunt.
So
wore away the year 1811 at the little post of Astoria. We now come to
speak
of the expedition by land. This, it will be remembered, was to
be conducted
by Mr. Wilson Price Hunt, a native of New Jersey. He is represented as
scrupulously upright, of amiable disposition, and agreeable manners. He
had never been in the heart of the wilderness, but, having been for
some
time engaged in commerce at St. Louis, furnishing Indian traders with
goods,
he had acquired much knowledge of the trade at second hand. Mr. Donald
M'Kenzie, another partner, was associated with him. He had been ten
years
in the interior, in the service of the North-west Company, and had much
practical experience in all Indian concerns. In [page 433:]
July 1810, the two
gentlemen
repaired to Montreal, where everything requisite to the expedition
could
be procured. Here they met with many difficulties — some of which were
thrown in their way by their rivals. Having succeeded, however, in
laying
in a supply of ammunition, provisions, and Indian goods, they embarked
all on board a large boat, and, with a very inefficient crew, the best
to
be procured, took their departure from St. Ann's, near the extremity of
the island of Montreal. Their course lay up the Ottawa, and along a
range
of small lakes and rivers. On the twenty-second of July, they arrived
at
Mackinaw, situated on Mackinaw island, at the confluence of Lakes Huron
and Michigan. Here it was necessary to remain some time to complete the
assortment of Indian goods, and engaged more voyageurs. While
waiting
to
accomplish these objects, Mr. Hunt was joined by Mr. Ramsay Crooks, a
gentleman
whom he had invited, by letter, to engage as a partner in the
expedition.
He was a native of Scotland, had served under the North-west Company,
and
been engaged in private trading adventures among the various tribes of
the Missouri. Mr. Crooks represented, in forcible terms, the dangers to
be apprehended from the Indians — especially the Blackfeet and Sioux —
and it was agreed to increase the number of the party to sixty upon
arriving
at St. Louis. Thirty was its strength upon leaving Mackinaw. This
occurred
on the twelfth of August. The expedition pursued the usual route of the
fur-trader — by Green bay, Fox and Wisconsin rivers, to Prairie du
Chien,
and thence down the Mississippi to St. Louis, where they landed on the
third of September. Here, Mr. Hunt met with some opposition from an
association
called the Missouri Fur Company, and especially from its leading
partner,
a Mr. Manuel Lisa. This company had a capital of about forty thousand
dollars,
and employed about two hundred and fifty men. Its object was to
establish
posts along the upper part of the river, and monopolize the trade. Mr.
H.
proceeded to strengthen himself against competition. He secured to Mr.
Astor the services of Mr. Joseph Miller. This gentleman had been an
officer
of the United States' Army, but had resigned on being refused a
furlough,
and taken to trading with the Indians. He joined the association as a
partner;
and, on account of his [page 434:] experience and general
acquirements, Mr. Hunt
considered
him a valuable coadjutor. Several boatmen and hunters were also, now,
enlisted,
but not until after a delay of several weeks. This delay, and the
previous
difficulties at Montreal and Mackinaw, had thrown Mr. H. much behind
his
original calculations, so that he found it would be impossible to
effect
his voyage up the Missouri during the present season. There was every
likelihood
that the river would be closed before the party could reach its upper
waters.
To winter, however, at St. Louis, would be expensive. Mr. H.,
therefore,
determined to push up on his way as far as possible, to some point
where
game might be found in abundance, and there take up his quarters until
spring. On the twenty-first of October, he set out. The party were
distributed
in three boats — two large Schenectady barges, and a keel boat. By the
sixteenth
of November, they reached the mouth of the Nodowa, a distance of four
hundred
and fifty miles, where they set up their winter quarters. Here, Mr.
Robert
M'Lellan, at the invitation of Mr. Hunt, joined the association as a
partner.
He was a man of vigorous frame, of restless and impetuous temper, and
had
distinguished himself as a partisan under General Wayne. John Day also
joined the company at this place — a tall and athletic hunter from the
backwoods of Virginia. Leaving the main body at Nodowa, Mr. Hunt now
returned
to St. Louis for a reinforcement. He was again impeded by the
machinations
of the Missouri Fur Company, but finally succeeded in enlisting one
hunter,
some voyageurs, and a Sioux interpreter, Pierre Dorion. With
these,
after
much difficulty, he got back to the encampment on the seventeenth of
April.
Soon after this period the voyage up the river was resumed. The party
now
consisted of nearly sixty persons — five partners, Hunt, Crooks,
M'Kenzie,
Miller, and M'Lellan; one clerk, John Reed; forty Canadian voyageurs;
and
several hunters. They embarked in four boats, one of which, of a large
size, mounted a swivel and two howitzers. We do not intend, of course, to
proceed with our
travellers throughout the vast series of adventure encountered in their
passage through the wilderness. To the curious in these particulars, we
recommend the book itself. No details more intensely exciting [page
435:] are to be
found in any work of travels within our knowledge. At times full of
life
and enjoying the whole luxury to be found in the career of the hunter —
at times suffering every extremity of fatigue, hunger, thirst, anxiety,
terror, and despair — Mr. Hunt still persisted in his journey, and
finally
brought it to a successful termination. A bare outline of the route
pursued
is all we can attempt. Proceeding up the river, our party arrived, on the
twenty-eighth of April, at the mouth of the Nebraska, or Platte, the
largest
tributary of the Missouri, and about six hundred miles above its
junction
with the Mississippi. They now halted for two days, to supply
themselves
with oars and poles from the tough wood of the ash, which is not to be
found higher up the river. Upon the second of May, two of the hunters
insisted
upon abandoning the expedition, and returning to St. Louis. On the
tenth,
the party reached the Omaha village, and encamped in its vicinity. This
village is about eight hundred and thirty miles above St. Louis, and on
the west bank of the stream. Three men here deserted, but their place
was
luckily supplied by three others, who were prevailed upon, by liberal
promises,
to enlist. On the fifteenth, Mr. Hunt left Omaha, and proceeded. Not
long
afterwards, a canoe was descried navigated by two white men. They
proved
to be two adventurers, who, for some years past, had been hunting and
trapping
near the head of the Missouri. Their names were Jones and Carson. They
were now on their way to St. Louis, but readily abandoned their voyage,
and turned their faces again toward the Rocky Mountains. On the
twenty-third,
Mr. Hunt received, by a special messenger, a letter from Mr. Manuel
Lisa,
the leading partner of the Missouri Fur Company, and the gentleman who
rendered him so many disservices at St. Louis. He had left that place,
with a large party, three weeks after Mr. H., and, having heard rumors
of hostile intentions on the part of the Sioux, a much dreaded tribe of
Indians, made great exertions to overtake him, that they might pass
through
the dangerous part of the river together. Mr. H., however, was justly
suspicious
of the Spaniard, and pushed on. At the village of the Poncas, about a
league
south of the river Quicourt, he stopped only long enough to [page
436:] procure a
supply
of dried buffalo meat. On the morning of the twenty-fifth, it was
discovered
that Jones and Carson had deserted. They were pursued, but in vain. The
next day, three white men were observed, in two canoes, descending the
river.
They proved to be three Kentucky hunters — Edward Robinson, John
Hoback,
and Jacob Rizner. They also had passed several years in the upper
wilderness,
and were now on their way home, but willingly turned back with the
expedition.
Information derived from these recruits, induced Mr. Hunt to alter his
route.
Hitherto, he had intended to follow the course pursued by Messieurs
Lewis
and
Clarke — ascending the Missouri to its forks, and thence, by land,
across
the mountains. He was informed, however, that, in so doing, he would
have
to pass through the country of the Blackfeet, a savage tribe of
Indians,
exasperated against the whites, on account of the death of one of
their
men by the hands of Captain Lewis. Robinson advised a more southerly
route.
This would carry them over the mountains about where the head waters of
the Platte and the Yellowstone take their rise, a much more practicable
pass than that of Lewis and Clarke. To this counsel, Mr. Hunt, agreed,
and
resolved to leave the Missouri at the village of the Arickaras, at
which
they would arrive in a few days. On the first of June, they reached
"the
great bend" of the river, which here winds for about thirty miles round
a circular peninsula, the neck of which is not above two thousand yards
across. On the morning of June the third, the party were overtaken by
Lisa,
much to their dissatisfaction. The meeting was, of course, far from
cordial,
but an outward appearance of civility was maintained for two days. On
the
third, a quarrel took place, which was near terminating seriously. It
was,
however, partially adjusted, and the rival parties coasted along
opposite
sides of the river, in sight of each other. On the twelfth of June,
they
reached the village of the Arickaras, between the forty-sixth and
forty-seventh
parallels of north latitude, and about fourteen hundred and thirty
miles
above the mouth of the Missouri. In accomplishing thus much of his
journey,
Mr. Hunt had not failed to meet with a crowd of difficulties, at which
we have not even hinted. He was frequently in extreme peril from large
bodies of the Sioux, and, at one time, it was a mere [page 437:]
accident alone
which
prevented the massacre of the whole party. At the Arickara village, our
adventurers were to abandon
their boats, and proceed westward across the wilderness. Horses were to
be purchased from the Indians; who could not, however, furnish them in
sufficient numbers. In this dilemma, Lisa offered to purchase the
boats,
now no longer of use, and to pay for them in horses, to be obtained at
a fort belonging to the Missouri Fur Company, and situated at the
Mandan
villages, about a hundred and fifty miles further up the river. A
bargain
was made, and Messieurs Lisa and Crooks went for the horses, returning
with them in about a fortnight. At the Arickara village, if we
understand,
Mr. Hunt engaged the services of one Edward Rose. He enlisted, as
interpreter
when the expedition should reach the country of the Upsarokas or Crow
Indians,
among whom he had formerly resided. On the eighteenth of July, the
party
took up their line of march. They were still insufficiently provided
with
horses. The cavalcade consisted of eighty-two, most of them heavily
laden
with Indian goods, beaver traps, ammunition, and provisions. Each of
the
partners was mounted. As they took leave of Arickara, the veterans of
Lisa's
company, as well as Lisa himself, predicted the total destruction of
our
adventurers, amid the innumerable perils of the wilderness. To avoid the Blackfeet Indians, a
ferocious and implacable
tribe, of which we have before spoken, the party kept a south-western
direction.
This route took them across some of the tributary streams of the
Missouri,
and through immense prairies, bounded only by the horizon. Their
progress
was, at first, slow, and, Mr. Crooks falling sick, it was necessary to
make
a litter for him between two horses. On the twenty-third of the month,
they encamped on the banks of a little stream, nicknamed Big River,
where
they remained several days, meeting with a variety of adventures. Among
other things, they were enabled to complete their supply of horses from
a band of the Cheyenne Indians. On the sixth of August, the journey was
resumed, and they soon left the hostile region of the Sioux behind
them.
About this period, a plot was discovered on the part of the
interpreter,
Edward Rose. This villain had been tampering with the [page 438:]
men, and
proposed,
upon arriving among his old acquaintances the Crows, to desert to the
savages
with as much booty as could be carried off. The matter was adjusted,
however,
and Mr. Rose, through the ingenuity of Mr. Hunt, quietly dismissed. On
the thirteenth, Mr. H. varied his course to the westward, a route which
soon brought him to a fork of the Little Missouri, and upon the skirts
of the Black Mountains. These are an extensive chain, lying about a
hundred
miles east of the Rocky Mountains, stretching north-easterly from the
south
fork of the river Platte to the great north bend of the Missouri, and
dividing
the waters of the Missouri from those of the Mississippi and Arkansas.
The travellers here supposed themselves to be about two hundred and
fifty
miles from the village of the Arickaras. Their more serious troubles
now
commenced. Hunger and thirst, with the minor difficulties of grizzly
bears,
beset them at every turn, as they attempted to force a passage through
the rugged barriers in their path. At length, they emerged upon a
stream
of clear water, one of the forks of Powder river, and once more beheld
wide meadows and plenty of buffalo. They ascended this stream about
eighteen
miles, directing their march towards a lofty mountain, which had been
in
sight since the seventeenth. They reached the base of this mountain,
which
proved to be a spur of the Rocky chain, on the thirtieth, having now
come
about four hundred miles since leaving Arickara. For one or two days, they endeavored
in vain to find
a defile in the mountains. On the third of September, they made an
attempt
to force a passage to the westward, but soon become [[became]]
entangled among
rocks
and precipices, which set all their efforts at defiance. They were now
too in the region of the terrible Upsarokas, and encountered them at
every
step. They met also with friendly bands of Shoshonies and Flatheads.
After
a thousand troubles, they made some way upon their journey. On the
ninth,
they reached Wind river, a stream which gives its name to a range of
mountains
consisting of three parallel chains, eighty miles long and about
twenty-five
broad. "One of its peaks," says our author, "is probably fifteen
thousand
feet above the level of the sea." For five days, Mr. Hunt followed up
the
course of Wind river, crossing and recrossing it. He had been [page
439:] assured
by
the three hunters who advised him to strike through the wilderness,
that,
by going on up the river, and crossing a single mountain ridge, he
would
come upon the head waters of the Columbia. The scarcity of game,
however,
determined him to pursue a different course. In the course of the day,
after
coming to this resolve, they perceived three mountain peaks, white with
snow, and which were recognized by the hunters as rising just above a
fork
of the Columbia. These peaks were named the Pilot Knobs by Mr. Hunt.
The
travellers continued their course for about forty miles to the
south-west,
and, at length, found a river flowing to the west. This proved to be a
branch
of the Colorado. They followed its current for fifteen miles.
On the eighteenth, abandoning its main course, they took a
north-westerly
direction for eight miles, and reached one of its little tributaries,
issuing
from the bosom of the mountains, and running through green meadows
abounding
in buffalo. Here, they encamped for several days, a little repose being
necessary for both men and horses. On the twenty-fourth, the journey
was
resumed. Fifteen miles brought them to a stream about fifty feet wide,
which
was recognized as one of the head waters of the Columbia. They kept
along
it for two days, during which it gradually swelled into a river of some
size. At length, it was joined by another current, and both united
swept
off in an unimpeded stream, which from its rapidity and turbulence had
received the appellation of Mad river. Down this, they anticipated an
uninterrupted
voyage, in canoes, to the point of their ultimate destination — but
their
hopes were very far from being realized. The partners held a consultation. The
three hunters
who had hitherto acted as guides, knew nothing of the region to the
west
of the Rocky Mountains. It was doubtful whether Mad river could be
navigated,
and they could hardly resolve to abandon their horses upon an
uncertainty.
The vote, nevertheless, was for embarkation, and they proceeded to
build
the necessary vessels. In the meantime, Mr. Hunt, having now reached
the
head waters of the Columbia, reputed to abound in beaver, turned his
thoughts
to the main object of the expedition. Four men, Alexander Carson, Louis
St. Michel, Pierre Detayé, and Pierre Delaunay, were detached
from
the expedition, to remain and [page 440:] trap beaver by
themselves in the
wilderness.
Having collected a sufficient quantity of peltries, they were to bring
them to the depôt, at the mouth of the Columbia, or to some
intermediate
post to be established by the company. These trappers had just
departed,
when two Snake Indians wandered into the camp, and declared the river
to
be unnavigible. Scouts sent out by Mr. Hunt finally confirmed this
report.
On the fourth of October, therefore, the encampment was broken up, and
the
party proceeded to search for a post in possession of the Missouri Fur
company, and said to be somewhere in the neighborhood, upon the banks
of
another branch of the Columbia. This post, they found without much
difficulty.
It was deserted — and our travellers gladly took possession of the rude
buildings. The stream here found, was upwards of a hundred yards wide.
Canoes
were constructed with all despatch. In the meantime, another detachment
of trappers was cast loose in the wilderness. These were Robinson,
Rezner,
Hoback, Carr, and Mr. Joseph Miller. This latter, it will be
remembered,
was one of the partners — he threw up his share in the expedition,
however,
for a life of more perilous adventure. On the eighteenth of the month,
(October,) fifteen canoes being completed, the voyagers embarked,
leaving
their horses in charge of the two Snake Indians, who were still in
company. In the course of the day, the party
arrived at the
junction of the stream upon which they floated, with Mad river. Here,
Snake
river commences — the scene of a thousand disasters. After proceeding
about
four hundred miles, by means of frequent portages, and beset with
innumerable
difficulties of every kind, the adventurers were brought to a halt by a
series of frightful cataracts, raging as far as the eye could reach,
between stupendous ramparts of black rock, rising more than two
hundred
feet perpendicularly. This place, they called "The Caldron Linn." Here,
Antoine
Clappine, one of the voyageurs, perished amid the whirlpools,
three of
the canoes stuck immoveably among the rocks, and one was swept away
with
all the weapons and effects of four of the boatmen. The situation of the party was now
lamentable indeed
— in the heart of an unknown wilderness, at a loss what route to take, [page
441:]
ignorant of their distance from the place of their destination, and
with
no human being near them from whom counsel might be taken. Their stock
of provisions was reduced to five days allowance, and famine stared
them
in the face. It was, therefore, more perilous to keep together than to
separate.
The goods and provisions, except a small supply for each man, were
concealed
in caches, (holes dug in the earth,) and the party were divided
into
several small detachments, which started off in different directions,
keeping
the mouth of the Columbia in view as their ultimate point of
destination.
From this post, they were still distant nearly a thousand miles,
although
this fact was unknown to them at the time. On the twenty-first of January, after
a series of
almost incredible adventures, the division in which Mr. Hunt enrolled
himself
struck the waters of the Columbia, some distance below the junction of
its
two great branches, Lewis and Clarke rivers, and not far from the
influx
of the Wallah-Wallah. Since leaving the Caldron Linn, they had toiled
two
hundred and forty miles, through snowy wastes and precipitous
mountains,
and six months had now elapsed since their departure from the Arickara
village, on the Missouri — their whole route from that point, according
to their computation, having been seventeen hundred and fifty-one
miles.
Some vague intelligence was now received in regard to the other
divisions
of the party, and also of the settlers at the mouth of the Columbia. On
the thirty-first, Mr. Hunt reached the falls of the river, and encamped
at the village of Wish-Ram. Here were heard tidings of the massacre on
board the Tonquin. On the fifth of February, having procured canoes
with
much difficulty, the adventurers departed from Wish-Ram, and, on the
fifteenth,
sweeping round an intervening cape, they came in sight of the
long-desired Astoria. Among the first to greet them on their
landing, were some
of their old comrades, who had parted from them at the Caldron Linn,
and
who had reached the settlement nearly a month before. Mr. Crooks and
John
Day, being unable to get on, had been left with some Indians in the
wilderness
— they afterwards came in. Carriere, a voyageur, who was also
abandoned
through the sternest necessity, was never heard of more. Jean Babtiste
Prevost, likewise a voyageur, [page 442:] rendered
frantic by famine, had been
drowned
in the Snake river. All parties had suffered the extremes of weariness,
privation and peril. They had travelled from St. Louis, thirty-five
hundred
miles. Let us now return to Mr. Astor. As yet he had received no
intelligence from the Columbia,
and had to proceed upon the supposition that all had gone as he
desired.
He accordingly fitted out a fine ship, the Beaver, of four hundred and
ninety tons. Her cargo was assorted with a view to the supply of
Astoria,
the trade along the coast, and the wants of the Russian fur company.
There
embarked in her, for the settlement, a partner, five
clerks,
fifteen American laborers, and six Canadian voyageurs. Mr. John
Clarke,
the partner, was a native of the United States, although he had passed
much of his life in the North-west, having been employed in the fur
trade
since the age of sixteen. The clerks were, chiefly, young American
gentlemen
of good connexions. Mr. Astor had selected this reinforcement with the
design of securing an ascendancy of American influence at Astoria, and
rendering
the association decidedly national. This, from the peculiar
circumstances
of the case, he had been unable to do in the commencement of his
undertaking. Captain Sowle, the commander of the
Beaver, was directed
to touch at the Sandwich islands, to inquire about the fortunes of the
Tonquin, and ascertain, if possible, whether the settlement had been
erected
at Astoria. If so, he was to enlist as many of the natives as possible
and proceed. He was to use great caution in his approach to the mouth
of
the Columbia. If everything was found right, however, he was to land
such
part of his cargo as was intended for the post, and to sail for New
Archangel
with the Russian supplies. Having received furs in payment, he would
return
to Astoria, take in the peltries there collected, and make the best of
his way to Canton. These were the strict letter of his instructions — a
deviation from which was subsequently the cause of great embarrassment
and loss, and contributed largely to the failure of the whole
enterprise.
The Beaver sailed on the tenth of October, 1811, and, after taking in
twelve
natives at the Sandwich islands, reached the mouth of the Columbia, in
safety, on the ninth of May, 1812. Her arrival gave [page 443:]
life and vigor to
the
establishment, and afforded means of extending the operations of the
company,
and founding a number of interior trading posts. It now became necessary to send
despatches over land
to Mr. Astor, at New York, an attempt at so doing having been
frustrated
some time before by the hostility of the Indians at Wish-Ram. The task
was confided to M. [[Mr.]] Robert Stuart, who, though he had never been
across
the mountains, had given evidence of his competency for such
undertakings.
He was accompanied by Ben. Jones and John Day, Kentuckians; Andri
Vallar
and Francis Le Clerc, Canadians; and two of the partners, Messieurs
M'Lellan
and Crooks, who were desirous of returning to the Atlantic States. This
little party set out on the twenty-ninth of June, and Mr. Irving
accompanies
them, in detail, throughout the whole of their long and dangerous
wayfaring.
As might be expected, they encountered misfortunes still more terrible
than those before experienced by Mr. Hunt and his associates. The chief
features of the journey were the illness of Mr. Crooks, and the loss
of
all the horses of the party through the villany [[villainy]] of the
Upsarokas This
latter circumstance was the cause of excessive trouble and great delay.
On the thirteenth of April, however, the party arrived, in fine health
and
spirits, at St. Louis, having been ten months in performing their
perilous
expedition. The route taken by Mr. Stuart coincided nearly with that of
Mr. Hunt, as far as the Wind river mountains. From this point, the
former
struck somewhat to the south-east, following the Nebraska to its
junction
with the Missouri. War having at length broken out
between the United
States and England, Mr. Astor perceived that the harbor of New York
would
be blockaded, and the departure of the annual supply ship in the autumn
prevented. In this emergency, he wrote to Captain Sowle, the commander
of
the Beaver, addressing him at Canton. The letter directed him to
proceed
to the factory, at the mouth of the Columbia, with such articles as the
establishment might need, and to remain there subject to the orders of
Mr. Hunt. In the meantime, nothing had yet been heard from the
settlement.
Still, not discouraged, Mr. A. determined to send out another ship,
although
the risk of loss was so greatly [page 444:] enhanced that no
insurance could be
effected.
The Lark was chosen — remarkable for her fast sailing. She put to sea
on
the sixth of March, 1813, under the command of Mr. Northrop, her mate —
the officer first appointed to command her having shrunk from his
engagement.
Within a fortnight after her departure, Mr. A. received intelligence
that
the North-west Company had presented a memorial to Great Britain,
stating
the vast scope of the contemplated operations at Astoria, expressing a
fear that, unless crushed, the settlement there would effect the
downfall
of their own fur trade, and advising that a force be sent against the
colony.
In consequence, the frigate Phœbe was ordered to convoy the armed ship
Isaac
Todd, belonging to the North-west company, and provided with men and
munitions
for the formation of a new establishment. They were directed "to
proceed
together to the mouth of the Columbia, capture or destroy whatever
American
fortress they would find there, and plant the British flag on its
ruins."
Upon this matter's being represented to our government, the frigate
Adams,
Captain Crane, was detailed for the protection of Astoria; and Mr. A.
proceeded
to fit out a ship called the Enterprise, to sail in company with the
frigate,
and freighted with additional supplies. Just, however, as the two
vessels
were ready, a reinforcement of seamen was wanted for Lake Ontario, and
the crew of the Adams were, necessarily, transferred to that service.
Mr.
A. was about to send off his ship alone, when a British force made its
appearance off the Hook, and New York was effectually blockaded. The
Enterprise,
therefore, was unloaded and dismantled. We now return to the Beaver. This vessel, after leaving at Astoria
that portion
of her cargo destined for that post, sailed for New Archangel on the
fourth
of August, 1812. She arrived there on the nineteenth, meeting with no
incidents
of moment. A long time was now expended in negotiations with the
drunken governor of the Russian fur colony — one Count Baranoff — and
when they
were finally completed, the mouth of October had arrived. Moreover, in
payment for his supplies, Mr. Hunt was to receive seal-skins, and none
were on the spot. It was necessary, therefore, to proceed to a
seal-catching
establishment belonging to the Russian company [page 445:] at
the Island of St.
Paul,
in the sea of Kamschatka. He set sail for this place on the fourth of
October,
after having wasted forty-five days at New Archangel. He arrived on the
thirty-first of the month — by which time, according to his
arrangement,
he should have been back at Astoria. Now occurred great delay in
getting
the peltries on board; every pack being overhauled to prevent
imposition.
To make matters worse, the Beaver one night was driven off shore in a
gale,
and could not get back until the thirteenth of November. Having at
length
taken in the cargo and put to sea, Mr. Hunt was in some perplexity as
to
his course. The ship had been much injured in the late gale, and he
thought
it imprudent to attempt making the mouth of the Columbia in this
boisterous
time of the year. Moreover, the season was already much advanced; and
should
he proceed to Astoria as originally intended, he might arrive at Canton
so late as to find a bad market. Unfortunately, therefore, he
determined
to go at once to the Sandwich Islands, there await the arrival of the
annual
ship from New York, take passage in her to the settlement, and let the
Beaver proceed on her voyage to China. It is but justice to add that he
was mainly induced to this course by the timid representations of
Captain
Sowle. They reached Woahoo in safety, where the ship underwent the
necessary
repairs, and again put to sea on the first of January, 1813, leaving
Mr.
Hunt on the island. At Canton, Captain Sowle found the
letter of Mr.
Astor, giving him information of the war, and directing him to convey
the
intelligence to Astoria. He wrote a reply, in which he declined
complying
with these orders, saying that he would wait for peace, and then return
home. In the meantime Mr. Hunt waited in vain for the annual vessel. At
length, about the twentieth of June, the ship Albatross, Captain Smith,
arrived from China, bringing the first news of the war to the Sandwich
Islands. This ship Mr. H. chartered for two thousand dollars, to land
him,
with some supplies, at Astoria. He reached this post on the twentieth
of
August, where he found the affairs of the company in a perishing
condition,
and the partners bent upon abandoning the settlement. To this
resolution
Mr. Hunt was finally brought to consent. There was a large stock of
furs,
however, [page 446:] at the factory, which it was necessary to
get to a market, and
a ship was required for this service. The Albatross was bound to the
Marquesas,
and thence to the Sandwich Islands; and it was resolved that Mr. H.
should
sail in her in quest of a vessel, returning, if possible, by the first
of January, and bringing with him a supply of provisions. He departed
on
the twenty-sixth of August, and reached the Marquesas without accident.
Commodore Porter soon afterward arrived, bringing intelligence that
the
British frigate Phœbe, with a store-ship mounted with battering pieces,
together with the sloops of war Cherub and Racoon, had all sailed, from
Rio Janiero, on the sixth of July, bound for the mouth of the Columbia.
Mr. H., after in vain attempting to purchase a whale ship from
Commodore
Porter, started, on the twenty-third of November, for the Sandwich
Islands,
arriving on December the twentieth. Here he found Captain Northrop, of
the Lark, which had suffered shipwreck on the coast about the middle of
March. The brig Pedlar was now purchased for ten thousand dollars, and,
Captain N. being put in command of her, Mr. H. sailed for Astoria on
the
twenty-second of January, 1814, with the view of removing the property
there, as speedily as possible, to the Russian settlements in the
vicinity
— these were Mr. Astor's orders sent out by the Lark. On the
twenty-eighth
of February the brig anchored in the Columbia, when it was found that,
on the twelfth of December, the British had taken possession of the
post.
In some negotiations carried on, just before the surrender, on the part
of the North-west company and M'Dougal, that worthy personage gave full
evidence that Captain Thorn was not far wrong in suspecting him to be
no
better than he should be. He had been for some time secretly a partner
of the rival association, and shortly before the arrival of the
British,
took advantage of his situation as head of the post, to barter away the
property of the company at less than one-third of its value. Thus failed this great enterprise of
Mr. Astor. At
the peace, Astoria itself, by the treaty of Ghent, reverted with the
adjacent
country to the United States, on the principle of states ante bellum.
In the winter of 1815, Congress passed a law prohibiting all traffic of
British traders within our territories, and Mr. [page 447:] A.
felt anxious to
seize
this opportunity for the renewal of his undertaking. For good reasons,
however, he could do nothing without the direct protection of the
government.
This evinced much supineness in the matter; the favorable moment was
suffered
to pass unimproved; and, in despite of the prohibition of Congress, the
British finally usurped the lucrative traffic in peltries throughout
the
whole of our vast territories in the North-west. A very little aid from
the sources whence he had naturally a right to expect it, would have
enabled
Mr. Astor to direct this profitable commerce into national channels,
and
to render New York, what London has now long been, the great emporium
for
furs. We have already spoken of the
masterly manner in
which Mr. Irving has executed his task. It occurs to us that we have
observed
one or two slight discrepancies in the narrative. There appears to be
some
confusion between the names of M'Lellan, M'Lennon and M'Lennan — or do
these three appellations refer to the same individual? In going up the
Missouri, Mr. Hunt arrives at the Great Bend on the first of June, —
the
third day after which (the day on which the party is overtaken by Lisa)
is said to be the third of July. Jones and Carson join the
expedition
just above the Omaha village. At page 187, vol. 1, we are told that the
two men "who had joined the company at the Maha village" (meaning
Omaha,
we presume), deserted and were pursued, but never overtaken — at page
199,
however, Carson is recognized by an Indian who is holding a parley with
the party. The Lark too, only sailed from New York on the sixth of
March,
1813, and on the tenth, we find her, much buffeted, somewhere in the
near
vicinity of the Sandwich Islands. These errors are of little importance
in themselves, but may as well be rectified in a future edition.
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