Text: Burton R. Pollin, “Notes,” Discoveries in Poe, 1970, pp. 230-295 (This material is protected by copyright)

[page 230:]

NOTES

NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

1. Poe changed the form of the title rather significantly; the first one, in Graham's Magazine, 20.257-259, and also in the Literary Souvenir, 5 (June, 1842), 172-173, clearly emphasizes the “mask” covering the face of the spectral figure who brings the plague, since this was an uncommon spelling for masquerade or masque in nineteenth-century America (see the OED). The subtitle serves to underscore the dreamlike and theatrical quality of the whole. Poe's collection of tales, planned for 1842, was to be called “Phantasy Pieces,” a clear sign of the importance Poe attached to the “fantasy” element of this and other tales. For the publication attempt see Arthur Hobson Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), pp. 337-340, to which text hereafter I shall refer as “Quinn.”

2. See Franz Karl Mohr, “The Influence of Eichendorff's ‘Ahnung and Gegenwart’ on Poe's ‘Masque of the Red Death’ ” in Modern Language Quarterly, 10 (Mar., 1949), 3-15, and Joseph P. Roppolo, “Meaning and ‘The Masque of the Red Death,’ ” in Tulane Studies in English, 13 (1963), 59-69. Eichendorff's novel was almost certainly unavailable to Poe for many reasons. The suggested I Promessi Sposi, it is now known, was not reviewed by Poe, as erroneously listed by James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 8.12, to which edition my text will refer under “Harrison.”

3. Thomas Ollive Mabbott, in his Selected Poetry and Prose of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1951), p. 422, offers the following note: “The references to Victor Hugo's Hernani are suggestive, for the hero of that play must die when his enemy sounds a horn.” I must add that there is only one reference in Poe's tale. [page 231:]

4. See Harrison, 4.250-258 and 4.319-320, for the text and variant readings.

5. For a possible source of the black draperies in Miserrimus, a novel which Poe admired, see chap. xi below. For sources of the ending see chap. v below.

6. For example see Régis Messac, Influences frangaises dans l’oeuvre d’Edgar Poe (Paris, 1929), pp. 91-94, for an unsubstantiated tracing of the color scheme of the seven chambers to Voyages et aventures des trois princes de Sarendip by de Mailly. There is no correspondence in colors but a very malapropos correspondence of costume shadings. Una Pope-Hennessy, in Edgar Allan Poe (London, 1934), pp. 139-140, borrows from Messac without ascription.

7. Cambiaire, The Influence of Edgar Allan Poe in France (New York, 1927); Lauvriere, Edgar Poe, sa vie et son oeuvre (Paris, 1904); and Colling, Edgar Poe (Paris, 1952).

8. For a reference to Poe as fitting psychologically into Hugo's Paris of 1828, see Revue Contemporaine, 15 juillet 1857, p. 496, cited by Leon Lemonnier, Poe et la critique française (Paris, 1928), p. 28. Lemonnier's excellent studies Poe et les poetes français (1932) and Poe et les conteurs français (1947) yield no reference to Hugo.

9. Matthew Josephson, Victor Hugo (New York, 1942), p. 132.

10. Author's translation.

11. It appeared in the Foreign Quarterly Review, 1 (July, 1827), 60-97, for a discussion of which see Quinn, p. 289. For Poe's preface, see Harrison, 1.150-151.

12. It must be granted that for use in both “The Mask of the Red Death” and “The Assignation” (Harrison, 2.109-124) Poe might have recalled the grotesque decor of “the palace of that arch-brained Italian prince” with his “depraved imagination” who is mentioned by Scott in his article on p. 93.

13. Author's translation of excerpts from Cromwell in Victor Hugo's Oeuvres Completes (Paris, 1881), 1.17-23. I find that Lewis A, Lawson, “Poe and the Grotesque,” in Poe Newsletter, 1 (Apr., 1968), 9-10, also lists Cromwell and Scott's review as possible sources for Poe's concept.

14. The review is in 2.715-718, this excerpt on 716. Among many references by Poe to this journal see those in his Letters, ed. [page 232:] John W. Ostrom (Cambridge, Mass., 1948) 1.246-247 and 253-254, and Harrison, 2.36, 13.31, 15.23-24. See also Lewis A. Lawson's article, “Poe's Conception of the Grotesque,” in Mississippi Quarterly, 19 (1966), 200-205, asserting that Poe had read the Scott review not very long before 1835.

15. L. Petit de Julleville, Histoire de la langue et de la litterature française (Paris, 1899), 7.374 and 377-378 (author's translation). See also D. S. Blondheim, Introduction to Hernani (Boston, 1891 and 1929), pp. ix and xi. Charles Morice in La Litterature de tout a l’heure (Paris, 1889), made a brief comparison between Hugo and Poe for the latter's superior use of the grotesque; cited by Patrick Quinn, The French Face of Edgar Poe (Carbondale, Ill., 1957), pp. 41-42.

16. Lang, Music in Western Civilization (New York, 1941), p. 828.

17. All my citations from Hernani are from the translation of Mrs. Newton Crossland in Brander Matthews, Chief European Dramatists (Cambridge, Mass., 1944). This passage appears on pp. 401-402.

18. See the apt comment of Quinn, The French Face of Edgar Poe, p. 129: “The reader ... understands that the drama is not being played out on any realistic stage.”

19. Kenneth W. Hooker, The Fortunes of Victor Hugo in England (New York, 1938), pp. 27 and 45.

20. Much better in language and fidelity to the French are the verse excerpts, given in English, by the reviewer of Hernani in the Foreign Quarterly Review, 6 (Oct., 1830), 455-473. He too stresses the striking effect of Act V with its “voluptuous music, luster of variegated lamps” and “solitary mask clad in black” crossing the scene (p. 467).

21. Published by C. Chapple (London) and by T. Lacy, “Acting Edition of Plays,” Vol. 77 (1831?). This version became almost the standard English version, being used for the Stirling edition of the two-volume Dramas of Victor Hugo (Boston: Cambridge University Press, n.d.; circa 1900), with no ascription to Kenney.

22. Hooker, The Fortunes of Victor Hugo, pp. 47-48.

23. W. Davenport Adams, A Dictionary of the Drama (London, 1904), p. 118. He ignores Barrymore's career in Philadelphia and shows, in his sketch of Mrs. Barrymore, that the two must have [page 233:] spent several years in Boston after 1832.

24. George C. Odell, Annals of the New York Stage (New York, 1928), 3.556.

25. Wemyss, Theatrical Biography (New York, 1847), p. 254.

26. I find in Le Figaro of Paris, 8 (Mar. 4, 1833), 3, a mocking column on “The Psychology of the Masked Ball,” evoked specifically by Gustavus III and Hernani.

27. Arthur Herman Wilson, A History of the Philadelphia Theatre, 1835-1855 (Philadelphia, 1935), p. 672, attributes Zanthe, or the Fatal Oath as an adaptation, to W. Barrymore, with no mention of Kenney. There is, however, an undated printed prompter's copy of Hernani; or, The Pledge in the New York Public Library, bearing this subtitle: “Translated from the French of Victor Hugo. By James Kenney. As performed at the Walnut Street Theatre, Philadelphia.” The printed cast of characters almost duplicates that listed for the January 28, 1835 opening performance given by Wilson, p. 131. The contemporary cover of this 72-page pamphlet has a pasted label, apparently from a playbill title: “Zanthe or the Fatal Oath.” Copies must have remained in the effects of the Walnut Street Theatre, to be used for the 1842 performance.

28. The Histrionic Mr. Poe (Baltimore, 1949).

29. Wilson, p. 682, lists twenty presentations in 1835 and one in 1836; see p. 6 for Barrymore's being the stage manager for Wemyss in 1835. For the performance details, see Wemyss, Theatrical Biography, pp. 254-255.

30. Poe had long been an ardent Byronist and would know Byron's “The Waltz” with its lines: “Hot from the hands promiscuously applied, / Round the slight waist or down the glowing side, / Where were the rapture then to clasp the form / From this lewd grasp and lawless contact warm?” (11.234-237). See chap. v below.

31. Quinn, p. 274.

32. See the article on Smith in the Dictionary of American Biography and also the reminiscences of his son, H. Wemyss Smith, given by Edwin Wolf II, The Library Chronicle of the Friends of the Library of the University of Pennsylvania, 17 (1951), 90-103; see also Quinn, pp. 274-275, 301.

33. Messac, Influences françaises, pp. 18-19, and George E. Woodberry, The Life of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 1.179-180; [page 234:] see also Woodberry and E. C. Stedman, Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1903), 4.289 and 291. Professor Mabbott defends the breadth and depth of Poe's reading in French, Selected Poetry, p. xii. For Béranger see chap. iv below.

34. “The French of Edgar Allan Poe,” American Speech, 2 (Mar., 1927), 270-274.

35. For example, Killis Campbell, The Mind of Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), p. 8.

36. I am inclined to agree with Messac and therefore am skeptical about Professor Mabbott's idea that the last act of Hernani provided a source for Politian in its combination of nuptials and death, since the date that he assigns to the writing of Politian, 1833-35, precluded Poe's seeing it on the stage or his reading any version save one in French, q.v. in Notes and Queries, 194 (June, 1949), 279. I see almost no correspondence between this work by Poe and Hernani, in any respect.

37. Concerning Dupin, Lomenie writes in the Galerie (Paris, 1840), pp. 31-32, “He has read everything, retained everything, and knows an astonishing amount about the most varied topics ... He is the greatest redresser of wrongs in the world.” Clearly he is the ancestor of Poe's Dupin and of Sherlock Holmes.

38. The page numbers in my text refer to the 1841 Philadelphia translation by Walsh.

39. Harrison, 16.91 and 16.400. [[Note: The latter reference is merely the index entry for the former reference — JAS]]

40. For this correction of the Harrison text I am deeply indebted to Professor Mabbott, who also suggested to me that the deprecation of Cromwell by Poe (Harrison, 16.66) has no reference to Hugo but to an American writer, Henry William Herbert, whose Cromwell Poe calls “wofully turgid” in Nov., 1841 (Harrison, 15.206). At least one commentator has misinterpreted Poe's allusion. For a fuller treatment of Hague see C. S. Brigham, “Edgar Allan Poe's Contributions to Alexander's Weekly Messenger,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s. 52 (Apr., 1942), 45-125, specifically, 118-123.

41. Campbell, ed., Poems of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1917), p. 235; Harrison, 3.270.

42. Notre-Dame de Paris, 1832 version, edition of Paris, 1961, Book VII, chap. vi, p. 328. Textual references to the French text will apply to this edition. [page 235:]

43. Notre-Dame de Paris, Dent edition in English, no translator indicated (London, 1910), p. 264. Future English translations in this chapter will be taken from this edition.

44. Poe had tried to sell to this firm, Carey, Lea and Carey, his Al Aaraaf in 1829 and continued dealing with them frequently. Effingham Wilson of London also published in 1833 a translation called Notre Dame: A Tale of the “Ancient Regime.”

45. In the first (1831) version of Notre-Dame it occurs at the end of Book I, chap. vi, but in the 1832 version it has been moved, intact, to Book VII, chap. iv.

46. Given by J. E. Spannuth and Thomas O. Mabbott in their reprint of the series, Doings of Gotham (Pottsville, Pa., 1929), p. 68. Professor Mabbott's note, p. 71, correctly attributes it to Notre-Dame and also refers to the second use of the comparison, discussed in my text.

47. A critical discussion of these sources is given by Quinn, p. 359.

48. See O. A. Roorbach, Bibliotheca Americana (New York, 1852).

49. Given by Poe in 1848 to Mrs. Whitman, who gave it to Ingram, it eventually found its way into the Huntington Library, to which my thanks are due for the response to several questions about it; they are also due to the Alderman Library of the University of Virginia and to William Doyle Hull II, for “A Canon of the Critical Works of Edgar Allan Poe” (diss., University of Virginia, 1941), in which I find my view of Poe's authorship confirmed (p. 681).

50. Poe's statement about the French “style” echoes the preface of Colburn's 1843 London edition, probably the source of the Wiley and Putnam reprint of 1845 which Poe was reviewing.

51. Servii Grammatici Qui Feruntur in Vergilii Carmina Corninentarii (Leipzig, 1923), 1.604.

52. Harrison, 11.156-160, prints the review with a misleading date, derived from Griswold as first editor of Poe's works.

53. Discussed in my “Du Bartas and Victor Hugo in Poe's Criticism,” Mississippi Quarterly, 22 (Fall, 1969).

54. Margaret Alterton, “Origins of Poe's Critical Theory,” University of Iowa Studies, 2 (Apr., 1925), 93, mentions that Poe was finding principles in the drama and fine arts to improve his standards [page 236:] of criticism and his practice in constructing his tale of effect, but she does not cite Hugo's work.

55. See the eulogy by Baudelaire, for example, in “Notes Nou-velles sur Edgar Poe: Preface” of the Nouvelles Histoires Extraordinaires (Paris, 1857) or the five volumes of translations in his Oeuvres Completes (Paris, 1931). It is fitting for Hugo to show a respectful admiration for Poe, in his turn; unfortunately, the record is not complete. Dec. 7, 1859, Charles Baudelaire sent to Hugo a letter, now unavailable, which a sales catalogue excerpt indicates as including a reference to Baudelaire's fear that the recent partial publication of his version of Eureka in the Revue internationale might give Hugo a poor idea of Poe and of his translator, q.v. in Baudelaire, Oeuvres, Correspondance Generale (Paris, 1953), 6.82. Hugo's reply is given in his Oeuvres Completes, Correspondance (Paris, 1950), 2.323: “Be calm, I shall read your Poe only when you send it to me. I understand your sensitivity, since I have had prepared, for the sake of the commas, eleven proofs of La Legende des Siecles. The subject handled by Poe is my constant preoccupation. But I shall wait.” Mary E. Phillips, Edgar Allan Poe — The Man (Philadelphia, 1926), 2.1606, asserts without source that Hugo called Poe “the prince of American literature,” but I have not found the original statement in Hugo's writings.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 2

1. Notre-Dame de Paris, Book IX, chap. i., p. 413 in the Gamier edition (Paris, 1961), drawn from the 1832 revision of the 1831 work. All textual references in French in my text will be to this edition.

2. The edition used here and below for English translations is that of Dent Publishers (London, 1910), p. 337, the translator not being given. Poe was familiar with The Hunchback of Notre-Dame, translated by Frederic Shoberl for Bentley's “Standard Novels” (London, 1833), 2.56 for the corresponding passage, the book having been pirated in Philadelphia in 1834. My evidence is given in “Du Bartas and Victor Hugo in Poe's Criticism,” Mississippi Quarterly, 22 (Fall, 1969).

3. James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 5.163-176. All textual references indicated under “Harrison” are to this edition.

4. Maurice Le Breton, “Edgar Poe and Macaulay,” Revue Anglo-Americaine, 21 (Oct., 1935), 38-42. He seems unaware of a similar discovery published by Lawrence Oliphant, “Poe and Macaulay,” in a publication called by Mary E. Phillips “T. P.'s Weekly” of June 12, 1914, in her Edgar Allan Poe — The Man (Philadelphia, 1926), 2.867 and 1634, n. 2.

5. Lord Macaulay's Essays and Lays of Ancient Rome (London, 1886), pp. 612-613, the whole essay occupying pp. 595-658.

6. See the Dictionary of National Biography articles for the pertinent facts concerning William Bedloe and Titus Oates.

7. Poe records the mystic and significant omission of the final e of Bedloe's name in the obituary notice.

8. Observe that Poe's last use of Hugo material, in the “Marginalia” of the Southern Literary Messenger (July, 1849), concerns the imputed efforts of critics to imitate Macaulay — perhaps a sign of Poe's awareness of his debt to Macaulay in this “Eastern” tale and his indirect shifting of guilt by deriding American critics, en masse, for their borrowing from Macaulay.

9. The OED gives citations of 1550 from Skelton, 1575 from Banister, and 1609 from A. Hume for sanguisuge. Webster's New International Dictionary of the English Language, 3rd ed. (1961), p. 2011, gives sangsue as an ordinary English word, coming from sanguisuga through the French. The Funk and Wagnalls New Standard Dictionary (New York, 1961) gives sangsue as “same as sanguisuge” with no indication of extent or date of usage. The only other English dictionary with extensive citations, The Century Dictionary (New York, 1887), p. 5333-5334, cites only Poe's tale for its use and says: “A leech, also called sanguisuge.”

10. See the Cambridge Natural History, eds. S. F. Harmer and A. E. Shipley (London, 1896; reprint of 1922 used), 2.392-408, chap. xiv, “Hirudinea.” The Encyclopedia Americana (New York, 1953), 17.191-192, declares that the only terrestrial leech of the U.S.A. belongs to Macrobdella Decora, used for blood-letting. See Grand Larousse Encyclopedique (Paris, 1964), 9.578, on the “sangsue” and 5.904 on “Hirudinees.”

11. The Random House Dictionary of the English Language (New York, 1966) omits the word sangsue. [page 238:]

12. I have questioned persons reared near Charlottesville, none of whom have heard the term sangsue applied to leeches. The following specialized dictionaries omit the term: Craigie and Hulbert, Dictionary of American English (Chicago, 1944); Thornton, American Glossary (New York, 1912); Bartlett, Dictionary of Americanisms (Boston, 1896); Kenyon and Knott, Pronouncing Dictionary of American English (Springfield, 1953); Weekley, Etymological Dictionary of Modern English (London, 1923).

13. Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago, 1955), 13.866.

14. The Cambridge Natural History, 2.408, citing Sir J. E. Tennent's Natural History of Ceylon.

15. They are “usually olive green to brown” according to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed. (1911), 16.366.

16. Régis Messac, Influences françaises dans l’oeuvre d’Edgar Poe (Paris, 1929), pp. 12-19, doubts that Poe could or would read difficult or complicated French; see also G. E. Woodberry, The Life of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 1.179-180.

17. For proof that he used the Shoberl translation see the article on Du Bartas indicated in n. 2, above.

18. Thomas Ollive Mabbott, ed., Selected Poetry and Prose of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1951), p. 425.

19. There is a review of a reprint of this work in the Broadway Journal, 2.287-289, which is not by Poe, I think, but which indicates that the book had recently passed through his hands. For many other references to Lamb in his work see my Dictionary of Names and Titles in Poe's Collected Works (New York, 1968), p. 53.

20. The ending of Poe's tale, to be sure, speaks of a lapse of fifty years. It has always seemed to me to be Poe's afterthought and to have a testamentary flavor.

21. See Joseph S. Schick, American Literature, 6 (Mar., 1934), 18-21, for parallel passages in Poe and Headley's account. C. L. Rasor, in Furman Studies, 31 (Winter, 1949), 46-50, repeats Schick's “proof” and also adds as sources Balzac's La Grande Breteche and Bulwer's Last Days of Pompeii, both of which were originally proposed by Killis Campbell, The Mind of Poe (Boston, 1917) [[Cambridge, Mass., 1933]], pp. 170-171. It has not been noticed that Poe reviewed Headley's Letters from Italy in the Broadway Journal, 2 (Aug. 9, 1845), 75. Headley's work was the third volume in Wiley and [page 239:] Putnam's “Library of American Books,” the second being Poe's 1845 Tales.

22. The Dictionnaire de l’Academie Française, 8th ed. (Paris, 1935), gives the same meaning and adds that the expression is used today only figuratively for a prison.

23. Preceding this item, in Vol. 4, no. 234, I have counted six major articles on Hugo and his works in Le Figaro of 1829, all in Vol. 4: nos. 24, 29, 32, 38, 74, and 207; see also, no. 228.

24. For the “interchange of personality” theory see the tripartite article in Notes and Queries, 199 (Oct., 1954), pp. 447-449; for the “identity of victor and victim,” see James W. Gargano's article in Studies in Short Fiction, 4 (1967), 119-126; for denial of the revenge motif, see J. Rea's article in the same journal, 4.57-69.

25. Professor Mabbott, Selected Poetry and Prose, p. 425, suggests the identity of Thomas Dunn English and Fortunato. For the fullest account of Poe's libel suit against English see Joseph F. Moriarty, A Literary Tomahawking (Passaic, 1963).

26. Mary E. Phillips, Poe, 2.1181.

27. Harold P. Clunn, The Face of Paris (London, n.d.), p. 205, and Michelin, Guide to Paris (1954), p. 155.

28. La Grande Encyclopedie (Paris, n.d.), 9.796 (author's translation). For a highly particularized description of the construction and “decorations” of the catacombs see also Grande Dictionnaire Universelle (Paris, 1867), 3.541-542.

29. Paul Fassy, Les Catacombes de Paris (Paris, 1862), frontispiece engraving from a photograph by Nadar (i.e., Felix Tournachon) entitled “Ossuaire des Catacombes.” See, incidentally, Nadar's early interest in Poe's works, according to Mary E. Phillips, Poe, 1.656-657.

30. See the nine references to the magazine listed in my Dictionary of Names and Titles, p. 138, and the many uncollected items in the Broadway Journal which discuss the material in the “Editor's Table.”

31. Knickerbocker Magazine, 11 (Mar., 1838), 290.

32. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 18.792; see also Michaud's article on Montresor in Biographie Universelle. Edward H. Davidson in Selected Writings of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1956), pp. 502-503 and Professor Mabbott, Selected Poetry and Prose, p. 425, propose a source in John Montresor, the lover of Charlotte [page 240:] Temple in Susanna Rowson's popular novel of that name, although I do not find any episode involving Montresor's building a blockhouse for Charlotte, as reported in the second comment; nevertheless, as a British army engineer, Montresor might have provided Poe with his trowel-wielding character's name. Poe mentions the novel once (Harrison, 11.40) and might have known about Montresor (whose name is different in Charlotte Temple), from the fact that his name was originally given to the island later called Randall's Island, q.v. in the edition of the novel edited by Francis W. Halsey (New York, 1905), pp. liii-lxxxvi.

33. For the General see Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 16.505.

34. Notes and Queries, 199 (Apr., 1954), 180. I assume that “Maiter-di-dauns” is “Maitre de dance” and — hesitantly — suggest that “A Goose” signifies “the count a Guise,” on the analogy of the duc de Guise. In this article Professor Mabbott also asserts that the story is obviously set in France, citing “Montresor” as evidence.

35. Jacob H. Adler, in Notes and Queries, 199 (Jan., 1954), 32-34, regards the variety of wines as a “real imperfection” and also traces Montresor's names to the British and French source. Professor Mabbott, in the Explicator, 25 (Nov., 1966), item 30, notes that “Medoc” was assumed to have therapeutic value and that “De Grave” is an obvious pun.

36. The cloak, named after the eighteenth-century due de Roquelaure, is usually spelled with a u, not an i. Besides Poe's usage, the OED gives one more i spelling, that of Hone, Every-day Book of 1825. Poe uses the “roquelaure” spelling in his “Man of the Crowd,” published in Burton's, Dec., 1840, but changes it to “roquelaire” upon reprinting the story in Tales (1845). In both tales his italics indicate his awareness of the French provenance of the word.

37. See, for example, Walter James, Wine: A Brief Encyclopedia (New York, 1960), p. 8. Poe makes the same error in “Lionizing” (Harrison, 2.39) in a passage also containing “Medoc” and “Grave” (sic). I find untenable Charles W. Strele's idea that Poe's “amontillado” was a pun on an Italian word for “collected or formed into little heaps,” in Explicator, 18 (Apr., 1960), item 43. For evidence that the name amontillado was applied to a fine, dry sherry in the 1840's see Richard Ford, Gatherings from Spain (London, [page 241:] 1906), chap. xiv, which concerns the production of sherry wines; the book dates from 1846, being revised from The Handbook for Travellers in Spain (London, 1845).

NOTES TO CHAPTER 3

1. Arthur Hobson Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), p. 328, suggests a publication date of Sept. 1, 1841 for the Gift, since two of the following journals which reprinted the story in September mention it as “From the Gift for 1842”: Boston Notion, 2 (Sept. 4, 1841), 1; Roberts’ Semi-Monthly Magazine, 2 (Sept. 15, 1841), 701-703; New York Weekly Tribune, 1 (Sept. 18, 1841); New York Daily Tribune (Sept. 20, 1841); Literary Souvenir, 4 and 5 (Nov. 13, 1841, and July 9, 1842), 147-148, 214-215; the list comes from Arthur Hobson Quinn and Edward H. O’Neill, eds., The Complete Poems and Stories of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1946), 2.1079.

2. Broadway Journal, 1 (May 24, 1845), 322-324. Printed seven times, this ranks with “Mesmeric Revelation” as the work most frequently published in his lifetime.

3. Quinn, Poe, pp. 466 and 329.

4. For the omissions from the original version to be discussed in my text, see James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 4.312-316, “Notes,” with 1845 printing on pp. 236-244. Reference to this edition of the works will be made hereafter under “Harrison.”

5. Woodberry, The Life of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 1.299-300. Compare the theme of the poem and the name, “Valley of the Many-Colored Grass,” to stanza 52 of “Adonais,” by Shelley, whom Poe greatly admired: “The One remains, the many change and pass; / Heaven's light forever shines, Earth's shadows fly; / Life, like a dome of many-colored glass, / Stains the white radiance of Eternity, / Until Death tramples it to fragments.”

6. Bonaparte, Life and Works of Edgar Allan Poe (English trans., Loudon, 1949), pp. 252-253.

7. Carlson, Introduction to Poe (Glenview, Ill., 1967), p. 582; Hardin Craig, Edgar Allan Poe: Representative Selections (New [page 242:] York, 1935), Introduction, p. cii. Margaret Alterton is coauthor of the book and the notes, but not of this part of the Introduction.

8. Thomas O. Mabbott, ed., Selected Poetry and Prose of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1951), p. 421, says of the motto: “I do not have a reference for it.”

9. Chamber's Biographical Dictionary (New York, 1961), p. 817. For full accounts of Lull's life and works see Armand Llinares, Raymond Lulle, Philosophe de l’action (Grenoble, 1963) and Juan Saiz Barbera, Raimundo Lulio, Genio de la filosofia y mistica espanola (Madrid, 1963).

10. For a good treatment of the spurious Lull writings see Lynn Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York, 1923 and 1934), 2.862-873 and 4.3-64. Armand Llinares, “Propos de LuIle sur l’alchimie,” Bulletin Hispanique, 68 (Jan., 1966), 86-94, examines the few works of Lull that deal slightly with alchemy, a study which Lull basically opposed. For lists and descriptions of Lull's many works see Joan Aviny6, Les Obres Autentiques del Beat Ramon Llull (Barcelona, 1935), pp. 23-318, where 239 works are described; P. Pedro Blanco Soto, Estudios de Bibliografia Luliana (Madrid, 1916), pp. 33-118, and Llinares, Raymond Lulle, pp. 11-17, 427-453, where 280 works are listed and 213 works systematically catalogued.

11. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 7th ed. (London, 1842), 13.594, and Edinburgh Encyclopaedia (Philadelphia ed., 1832), 1.375.

12. I have not found the quotation in skimming through the Opera Latina Raimundi Lulli (Palma, 1961), in five volumes, or in the available six out of the ten volumes of Opera (Frankfurt, 1965 reprint of Mainz, 1737 ed.). Dr. Llinares has kindly informed me that the philosopher's stone context of the quotation in Hugo and Sauval (see below in text) makes him believe the excerpt to derive from one of the apocryphal texts, thereby confirming my own inference. Thorndike, History of Magic, 4.3 and 28, asserts that the spurious “Lull” works, especially of the fourteenth century, “imitate his writings” and adopt tricks of his style; this factor encourages me to use Lull's text for an explication of this passage. We can only wonder whether it is Ramon Lull or Raymundo de Tarrega (Tarraga in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 17.120-121), or Raymundus Lullius Neophytus, or another who wrote the excerpt under discussion. [page 243:]

13. The Literary Souvenir saw fit to republish it on July 9, 1842, but without Poe's intervention (see n. 1 above).

14. Wallace, Stanley (Philadelphia, 1838), 1.127 and 1.231-232. George E. Hatvary traces the passage in “Poe's Borrowings from H. B. Wallace,” American Literature, 38 (Nov. 1966), 365-372, specifically in n. 7, last item. For Lull and nitric acid, see Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 19.711.

15. Harrison, 12.61. For the Hugo sentence see Notre-Dame de Paris, ed. Marius-Francois Guyard (Paris: Gamier, 1961), p. 328. Unless otherwise specified all future references in the text are made to this edition.

16. The translator of this edition (London: Dent, 1910), p. 263, is anonymous.

17. “Ligeia,” Poe's favorite tale, appeared in Sept., 1838. Professor Mabbott, Selected Poetry, p. 418, asserts that “Poe intended real magic.” For a treatment of thaumaturgy in “Von Kempelen” see chap. x below.

18. For a discussion see Guyard's introduction to Notre-Dame, pp. i-xxxiii, and the studies listed in his “Bibliographie,” pp. 599-600, especially those by Huard and Huguet.

19. Notre-Dame, pp. 100 and 567. Over sixty references to San-val, traced by Quyard, are indicated under the title Comptes de la Prevote, actually a large section of Vol. 3 of Henri Sauval's His-toire et recherches des antiquites de la ville de Paris (Paris, 1724).

20. The Lull passage in Sauval, given here in my translation, occurs in the section “Visions des chercheurs de pierre philoso-phale, touchant plusieurs figures d’Eglise,” 3.56, in Book XIV, “Curiosites de divers endroits de Paris.”

21. Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis, new ed., ed. Leopold Faver (Graz, 1954), 7.548; see also R. F. Latham, Revised Medieval Word-List (London, 1965), p. 447, and for other words discussed below, pp. 108 and 197.

22. Du Cange, 2.515; see also W. H. Maigne D’Arnis, Lexicon Manuale ad Scriptores mediae et infimae latinitatis (Paris, 1866), p. 158. Thorndike, History of Magic, 4.13, indicates a medical text ascribed to Lull in fifteenth-century mss., De conservatione hu-manae vitae, the end of which praises gold-making and the aqua permanens. Obviously the title refers to “preserving” life.

23. Andrews, Latin-English Lexicon (New York, 1890), p. 105. [page 244:]

24. Opera Latina Raimundi Lulli (Palma, 1961), 3.149, 220, 332.

25. Opera (Frankfurt, 1965), 6.334.

26. Alterton and Craig, Poe: Representative Selections, p. 517.

27. Carlson, Introduction to Poe, p. 583.

28. Mabbott, Selected Poetry, p. 421.

29. My gratitude is due to Carey S. Bliss, of the Henry E. Huntington Library, who answered my queries about annotations, and to the Duke University Library, which sent me its microfilm of the Halsey copy of the Broadway Journal, now in the Huntington Library.

30. My thanks are due to Allen Hazen of the Columbia University Library School and George E. Hatvary, who helped me to determine the authorship.

31. See Mabbott, Selected Poetry, p. 416, for a more likely source in the name of Juliana Morella of the seventeenth century.

32. Paull F. Baum, “Poe's ‘To Helen,’ ” Modern Language Notes, 64 (May, 1949), 289-297, argues convincingly that the major stimulus was not Jane Stanard but Mrs. Frances Allan; likewise, T. O. Mabbott, “Poe's ‘To Helen,’ ” Explicator, 1 (June, 1943), no. 60. See also, Killis Campbell, ed., Poems of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1917), pp. 199-201.

33. Cited by Caroline Ticknor, Poe's Helen (New York, 1916), p. 88; given also by Baum, p. 296.

34. They are best presented by Ticknor, pp. 42-48.

35. John W. Ostrom, ed., The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 2.385-388.

36. Cf. also Shelley's “Love's Philosophy”: “All things by a law divine / In one another's being mingle: / Why not I with thine?” See also Poe's letter to John Neal, of Oct., 1829, which mentions Shelley and uses many phrases derived, without question, from the same lines of the poem (Ostrom, Letters, 1.32).

37. See her Sonnets II and VI to Poe, on his “glorious eyes” and on her hope that her “soul” will meet his after death, given by Ticknor, Poe's Helen, pp. 141 and 143; also in Poems by Mrs. Whitman (Boston, 1879), pp. 90-95. Quinn, Poe, p. 574, makes the assertion about her eyes being her best feature.

38. Written on the top margin of Vol. 2, following p. 176 and unnumbered, but succeeded by erroneous page 172, the magazine [page 245:] having mistakenly started a new numbering at this point. Poe also sidelined two references to eyes in the margin of “Ligeia.”

39. See his letter of Sept. 21, 1839, analyzing the tale; of July 2, 1844, to James R. Lowell; and of Jan. 2, 1846, to Duyckinck, Ostrom, Letters, 1.118 and 258; 2.309.

40. Quinn, Poe, pp. 573-574, aptly characterizes the poem thus.

41. Richard P. Benton, in Nineteenth-Century Fiction, 20 (Dec., 1967), 293-297, presents a thoughtful suggestion that “Eleonora” is “an allegory about the role of love in man's life ... constructed upon a Platonic model,” with the first girl representing the Uranian Venus, the second, the Dionaean Venus. Poe's elimination of the long description of Eleonora as the “Greek Venus” and his insertion of the motto show his changed emphasis, I feel.

42. The strange name “Ermengarde,” given to the second woman, is important, although I cannot agree with Sam S. Baskett, “A Damsel with a Dulcimer,” Modern Language Notes, 73 (May, 1958), 332-338, that Poe knew an Old German word ermen, meaning “universal” or “immense.” In considering the parallel use of Scott's name “Rowena,” the Saxon beauty in Ivanhoe, for the second bride in “Ligeia,” we are led to Scott's well-known novel The Betrothed, the first of the Tales of the Crusaders (1826). There the name “Ermengarde” is that of the Lady of Baldringham, proud of her Saxon identity, who requires her great-niece Eveline, as a trial, to confront the “Bahr-geist” of Vanda in the haunted room; the situation is parallel too, in that Eveline is pledged to the Constable, although in love with his nephew, and is visited in the Conclusion by the appeased Vanda, who blesses her marriage with the nephew. Several passages on spectral appearances in chaps. xiv and xv also suggest ideas and phrases in “Eleonora,” in the first version of which Ermengarde has blue eyes.

43. This is the phrase of Carlson, Introduction to Poe, p. 583.

44. “Morella” was published in the Apr., 1835 Messenger; Professor Mabbott (Selected Poetry, p. 417), believes that the three tales are linked through the theme of “reincarnation.” Ruth Hudson, in her artile on “Ligeia” in English Studies in Honor of James Southall Wilson (Charlottesville, 1951), pp. 35-44, recognizes the importance of Poe's changes in “Eleonora” but oversimplifies his motive. She thinks he merely wanted to avoid similarity to the preceding tales. See also the discursive treatment of the importance [page 246:] of the will in Poe's tales of metempsychosis in Allen Tate's “The Forlorn Demon” in Collected Essays (Denver, 1959), pp. 432-454.

45. Harrison, 4.313 and 315. Baskett, pp. 332-338, finds a key to the tale in “The Poetic Principle” and regards Pyrros as equivalent to “the poet” and the girl, to “poetic creation.” This is untenable, I think, despite the clear borrowing of details for the story from Coleridge. In the early tale “Ms. Found in a Bottle,” Poe speaks of the narrator's pyrrhonism (Harrison, 2.1).

46. See Mary Mills Patrick, The Greek Sceptics (New York, 1929), pp. 63-64.

47. See Patrick, pp. 31-49; R. D. Hicks, Stoic and Epicurean (New York, 1910), pp. 315-317; and Leon Robin, Pyrrhon et le Scepticisme Grec (Paris, 1944), pp. 12-14. A good brief account is given by the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 22.696.

48. Craig, Introduction, in Alterton and Craig, Representative Selections, pp. cii-ciii.

49. See Emma K. Norman, “Poe's Knowledge of Latin,” American Literature, 6 (1934), 72-77. The study, unfortunately, accepts as firsthand citations by Poe, material that he culled from compendia or intermediary sources, like the motto of “Eleonora.”

NOTES TO CHAPTER 4

1. Campbell, “Poe, Stevenson, and Béranger,” in The Dial, 57 (Nov. 16, 1909), 374-375.

2. See, e.g., Joseph Wood.Krutch, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1926), pp. 96-97; Una Pope-Hennessy, Edgar Allan Poe (London, 1934), p. 122; Frances Winwar, The Haunted Palace (New York, 1959), p. 133; and David Galloway, ed., Selected Writings of Edgar Allan Poe (Baltimore, 1967), p. 523.

3. These are the last two lines of stanza 7 (each of eight lines) in “Le Refus. Chanson addressee au General Sebastian” to the air by Pierre Laujon, “Le premier du mois de janvier,” cited from Oeuvres Completes de Pierre-Jean de Béranger (Paris, 1840), pp. 552-553. My citations hereafter will be taken from this edition, unless otherwise indicated. For the music of his songs see Musique [page 247:] des chansons de Béranger, 10th ed. (Paris, n.d.); “Le Refus” is no. 296 with music on p. 244.

4. These collections, called variously chansons inedites, oeuvres, chansons, etc., may be seen in Jules Brivois, Bibliographie de roeu-vre de Pierre-Jean de Béranger (Paris, 1876); the following fall within Poe's lifetime: 1828, 1829 (5 eds.), 1830 (4 eds.), 1832, 1833 (2 eds.), 1834 (3 eds.), 1835, 1836, 1839, 1840 (2 eds.), 1841, 1843, 1844, 1847 (3 eds.). Béranger's dates are 1780-1857.

5. Songs of Béranger, trans. by the author of the Exile of Idria (London, 1837); The Songs of Béranger, ed. Rufus W. Griswold (Philadelphia, 1844); William Young, Béranger: Two Hundred of His Lyrical Poems Done into English Verse (New York, 1850). Only the last includes “Le Refus” (pp. 294-295). J.-M. Querard, La Litterature Française Contemporaine (Paris, n.d.), 1.296, mentions an English translation of 1831 by Mme. Elisabeth Collins, but the British Museum Catalogue lists only her Metrical Translations from the Works of Lamartine, Casimir Delavigne, Victor Hugo and Béranger (Paris, 1850?). Querard may refer to translations in periodicals.

6. Béranger's Songs, trans. Robert B. Brough (London, 1856), pp. 147-149 for “Le Refus”; Songs from Béranger, Translated in the Original Metres, trans. Craven Langstroth Belts (New York, 1888), pp. 179-181, “The Refusal.”

7. Griswold, Songs of Béranger, p. iii; Young, Béranger, p. iii.

8. Arthur Hobson Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941). p. 175. This volume will hereafter be cited as “Quinn.”

9. Campbell, ed., The Poems of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1917), pp. 204-205, and James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 1.156. Textual references will be made to this edition under “Harrison.”

10. Young, Béranger, pp. 294-295. “Le Refus” is no. 160 of the 200 poems given.

11. Oeuvres Completes (1840), p. 460, and “Ma Biographie” in Oeuvres Posthumes de Béranger (Paris, 1858), p. 437.

12. Campbell may have followed the lead of Young, whose headnote on p. 294 reads: “This ode was probably written shortly after the Revolution of July.” There is also a note by Dr. G. O. Strauss in the 1856 translation by Brough, p. 188, n. 34, concerning [page 248:] Béranger's refusal of Sebastiani's offer “soon after” the July Revolution.

13. Quinn, p. 180; this point is briefly presented also by Arthur H. Quinn and Edward H. O’Neill, eds., The Complete Poems and Stories of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1946), 2.1065. Poe's “lute” reference in the third stanza of “The Haunted Palace” (Apr., 1839), included in “The Fall of the House of Usher” (Sept., 1839), may have led him to use Béranger's lines after he read them in Walsh's Sketches.

14. Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 3rd. ed. (New York, 1939), 3.252-255.

15. Campbell, Poems, p. 207, points out the “Skylark” touch at the end.

16. Poe's poet friend Dr. T. H. Chivers, in his Life of Poe (New York, 1952), p. 62, furnished a similar confusion when he speaks of “Poe's soft, mellow, melodious” voice which was “musical as Apollo's Lute.” Perhaps he had read “Israfel” too well. Le Figaro, Dec. 14, 1831, impatiently says of Béranger: “He has neither lyre nor lute nor theorbo; he is neither a bard, nor minstrel, nor weeping willow, nor victim of the divine afflatus; he has never been a martyr. ... Ask him what he is and he will reply: a maker of songs” (author's translation).

17. Given by Harrison, 8.122-142; Mrs. Ellet's book is discussed on pp. 138-142.

18. Young, Béranger, p. 120; Ellet, Poems, pp. 112-113. Young's headnote serves to indicate the cause of Béranger's popularity among the French: “This song ... appears to hint at the period after the restoration, when the Allied troops were still garrisoned in France.”

19. Lamartine, Oeuvres Completes (Paris, 1847), 2.85-90. The lines in question are on p. 89.

20. Letter to the “Editor of the Richmond ‘Courier and Daily Compiler’ ” sometime before Sept. 2, 1836, given by John Ward Ostrom, ed., The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 1.101, to which future references will be made under “Ostrom.”

21. See, e.g., Oeuvres Completes (1840), “La Fortune,” pp. 280-281. [page 249:]

22. See chap. i, above. My textual citations are from Walsh's translation of the Sketches (Philadelphia, 1841).

23. Young, Béranger, p. 10.

24. Oeuvres Completes (1840), pp. 463-464, author's translation.

25. Oeuvres Posthumes (1858), “Appendice,” pp. 468-470, author's translation.

26. Bagehot, Literary Studies (London, 1879), 2.261-298.

27. Library of the World's Best Literature (New York, 1896), 4.1786.

28. Lanson, Histoire Illustree de la Littorature Française, 2nd. ed. (Paris, 1923), 2.278-280.

29. Pierre Moreau, Histoire de la Litterature Française (Paris, 1951), 8.80; L. Cazamian, A History of French Literature (London, 1955; ed. of 1960), pp. 317 and 367.

30. See the marked change of views in the uncollected article “Young America” in the Broadway Journal, 2.26-27, correctly ascribed to Poe by Perry Miller, The Raven and the Whale (New York, 1956), p. 135 and discussed by Claude Richard, “Poe and ‘Young America,’ ” Studies in Bibliography, 21 (1968), 25-58.

31. PMLA, 58 (1943), 754-779, especially 775 for the Beran-ger excerpt.

32. See Quinn, pp. 326-327, and also C. S. Brigham, “Edgar Allan Poe's Contributions to Alexander's Weekly Messenger” in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s. 52 (Apr., 1942), 45-125. [[reprinted as a separate pamphlet, — JAS]]

33. It is printed in the Oeuvres (1840) as using the air, “Toto, carabo.” As is customary with Poe, his quotation is individualistic, for the verses read differently: “Il dit: Moi, je m’en ... / Il dit: Moi, je m’en ... / Ma foi, moi, je m’en ris!” Young, Béranger, offers a translation on pp. 75-76.

34. In the Oeuvres (1840) these are on pp. 98, 277, 381, 414, 417, 482, 487, 495, 498, 555, and 579. There are ninety-one more poems in te Oeuvres Posthumes, with one of eight lines on p. 180 and one of sixteen on p. 210.

35. Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, 5 (Sept., 1839), 145-152; Tales of the Grotesque and Arabesque (1840), 1.75-103; and Bentley's Miscellany, Aug., 1840. [page 250:]

36. For example, see Poe's use of two Latin quotations from Notre-Dame for “The Island of the Fay” and “Eleonora,” discussed above in chaps. i and iii.

37. My gratitude is due to William Doyle Hull II and the Alderman Library, University of Virginia, for the dissertation, “A Canon of the Critical Works of Edgar Allan Poe” (Charlottesville, 1941), which makes this correction of Harrison's error (p. 195). Regis Messac, Influences françaises dans l’oeuvre d’Edgar Poe (Paris, 1929), pp. 18, 60-61, notes the many references to Béranger but doubts his influence over Poe, sagely observing that something “rococo, of the First Empire” in him escaped Poe.

38. Harrison, 6.78-102, 116-138, 197-215. For a discussion of Poe's view of progress via science applied to modern industry and urbanization, see my “New York City in the Tales of Poe,” in the Journal of the Bronx Historical Society, 2 (Jan., 1965), 16-22, and also the end of chap. vii.

39. J. B. L. Foucault in 1843 and W. Greener and W. E. Staite in 1846 improved lamp carbons; F. de Moleyns in 1841, E. A. King and J. W. Starr in 1845, and W. E. Staite in 1848 improved the wire in the incandescent lamp, q.v. in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 16.659-667, article on “Lighting: Electric.” See the paragraph in the New-York Evening Mirror of Feb. 15, 1845, discussing Milton J. Saunders as an inventor “of the electric light,” which is considered by Dr. Hull, p. 475, to be probably by Poe.

40. For this ascription of date and the printing of the most complete form of this incomplete story see T. O. Mabbott, ed., Selected Poetry and Prose of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1951), pp. 344-345 and 426. See chap. ix below, for fuller discussion.

41. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 16.641. The first lighthouse installation of this kind was in England, in 1858, only nine years later than Poe's reference.

42. Home Journal, no. 36 (Aug. 31, 1850), 1; Sartain's Union Magazine, 7 (Oct., 1850), 231-239. For discussion see Quinn, p. 607.

43. See Ostrom, 2.458 for letter of Aug., 1849; for details, including reception of the lecture, see Hervey Allen, Israfel, rev. ed. (New York, 1960), pp. 657, 665, 667; see also Quinn, p. 634, for Elmira Shelton's view of the lecture on Sept. 22, 1849. [page 251:]

NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

1. A good survey is provided by A. J. Sambrook, “A Romantic Theme: The Last Man,” in Forum for Modern Language Studies, 2 (Jan., 1966), 25-33. Sambrook treats only French eighteenth-century and British nineteenth-century works, such as those of Volney, Mercier, John E. Reade, Robert Pollok, Campbell, Ouseley, Beddoes, John Martin (paintings), and Thomas Hood. He does not touch upon American contributions to the theme.

2. The Knickerbocker Magazine, 2 (Oct., 1833), 315.

3. For this summer of inspiration see the biographies of Mary Shelley by. Elizabeth Nitchie, R. Glynn Grylls, and Mrs. Julian Marshall and my article on Frankenstein in Comparative Literature, 17 (Spring, 1965), 97-108.

4. For their comments and the manuscript notes of Byron see The Poetical Works of Lord Byron (London, 1859), pp. 563-564. The touches of the “Ancient Mariner” in “Darkness” recall the discussions of the supernatural and Byron's recitation of “Christabel,” which Murray had just published at his suggestion. See Edward Dowden, Life of Percy Bysshe Shelley (London, 1886), 2.33-34.

5. For Eugen Kobling's view of Byron's debt to the work of de Grainville see The Prisoner of Chillon (Weimar, 1898). Kobling's view is summarized by Ernest H. Coleridge in Byron's Works, Vol. 4, Poetry (London, 1901), 42-43.

6. Michaud, Biographic Universelle (Paris, n.d.), 17.315-318.

7. The suicide is also pointed out in a review of Le Dernier Homme, poeme imite de Grainville by Creuze de Lesser, in the Journal General, 34 (1831), 121. Another review in the Furet de Londres, 6, no. 262 (Apr., 1831), 141, declares that the poem helps to render de Grainville truly immortal. Jean de Palacio, “Mary Shelley and the ‘Last Man,’ “ Revue de Litterature Corn-parOe, 42 (Jan.-Mar., 1968), 37-49, discusses the works on the theme by de Grainville, Creuze de Lesser, and Mary Shelley as well as Thomas Campbell and Thomas Hood. This illuminating article, which I read after completing the present chapter, does not follow the theme into Poe's writings.

8. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, 19 (Mar., 1826), 284286, and 21 (Jan., 1827), 54-57, the latter citing Hood's “Last Man” and referring to Mrs. Shelley's novel as “an abortion,” For the text of Poe's “How to Write a Blackwood Article,” see James A. [page 252:] Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 2.269-282. Future references will be made to this edition under “Harrison” or by volume and page numbers alone. For Poe's eight references to Blackwood's see my Dictionary of Names and Titles in Poe's Collected Works (New York, 1968), p. 110. See also Michael Allen, Poe and the British Magazine Tradition (New York, 1969).

9. Harrison, 4.258. For a plague passage with marked similarity of wording see the early tale “King Pest,” in Harrison, 2.180: “that unearthly sovereign whose reign is over us all, whose dominions are unlimited, and whose name is ‘Death.’ ”

10. Dunciad, Book IV, lines 654-656. It is mentioned by Harry Levin, The Power of Blackness (New York, 1958), p. 150.

11. For Poe's reading in the Dunciad, see my Dictionary, p. 123. See also Poe's letter of 1835, in John W. Ostrom, ed., The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 1.78.

12. For specific echoes of “Darkness” in Al Aaraaf and in “The City in the Sea,” see the notes by Killis Campbell to Poe's Poems (New York, 1962; reprint of 1917 ed.), pp. 192 and 208. See Campbell, “Poe's Reading,” University of Texas Studies in English, no. 5 (1925), p. 168, for thirty-three references to Byron; also his The Mind of Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), pp. 150-152. See also my chap. vi for this topic.

13. Byron, Works (1859 ed.), p. 119.

14. The ending of this tale as well as the whole mise-en-scene admirably illustrates the central thesis of N. Bryllion Fagin's The Histrionic Mr. Poe (Baltimore, 1949). For Prospero as the man of taste who creates effects of beauty, see Kermit Vanderbilt, “Art and Nature in ‘The Masque of the Red Death,’ ” Nineteenth-Century Fiction, 22 (Mar., 1968), 379-389.

15. The French Face of Edgar Poe (Carbondale, Ill,, 1957), p. 129.

16. See chapter vi for the influence of Byron's death on the sonnet. See also R. S. Forsythe, “Poe's ‘Nevermore’: A Note,” American Literature, 7 (Jan., 1936), 439-452.

17. Mary Shelley's. Letters, ed. F. L. Jones (Norman, Okla., 1944), 1.212, letter of Jan. 7, 1823.

18. The Letters of Percy Bysshe Shelley (Oxford, 1964), 2.471.

19. Mary Shelley's Journal, ed. F. L. Jones (Norman, 1947), p. 193. [page 253:]

20. For the correspondence of characters to the two men see Elizabeth Nitchie, Mary Shelley (New Brunswick, 1953), pp. 150-152, and R. Glynn Grylls, Mary Shelley (London, 1938), p. 186. The theme of loneliness and alienation is central also to Frankenstein.

21. Mary Shelley, The Last Man (London, 1826), 2.187, 195, 207.

22. According to Hugh J. Luke, Jr., ed., The Last Man (Lincoln, Nebr., 1965), p. xx, the publication of her novel was in February, 1826, but Godwin gives it as January 23, and his accuracy is unimpeachable. He is reading Omegarius on January 10, 12, and 13. My textual citations to The Last Man are from Luke's convenient edition. Godwin's journal was consulted through the courtesy of Lord Abinger and, subsequently, in microfilm, through the courtesy of The Carl H. Pforzheimer Library.

23. The Literary Magnet or Monthly Journal of the Belles Lettres, n.s. 1 (Jan., 1826), p. 56, “Chit-Chat, Literary and Miscellaneous,” says that Mrs. Shelley, authoress of “that monstrous literary abortion Frankenstein,” is about to produce The Last Man and it asks why the novel entitled Omegarius should not have spared her the trouble.

24. For the 1823 date see the OED and L. Fabian Hirst, The Conquest of Plague (Oxford, 1953), p. 32. Hirst, p. 33, notes that the blotches or “tokens” of dark red or purple color were more common in older outbreaks of plague than in the modern epidemics. For description of the plague boils, see W. E. Jennings, A Manual of Plague (London, 1903), pp. 74, 83, and 87; James Leasor, The Plague and the Fire (London, 1962), pp. 49, 127, and 136; and Francis A. Gasquet, The Black Death, 2nd ed. (London, 1908), p. 31. Gasquet's point about an average “five month's course” for the disease reminds us that Prospero and his courtiers have been “secluded” for this period of time. James Cantlie, Plague (London, 1900), p. 34, is firm in his statement that there is no characteristic skin rash in plague.

25. See Grylls, Mary Shelley, p. 105, for the travels of Mary and Shelley in 1818. Verney may be derived from Voltaire's residence at Feeney, which they had visited in 1816.

26. Jennings, p. 66, notes that the most virulent cases take a few hours; likewise, Hirst, p. 34, referring to Defoe. [page 254:]

27. Poe abandons his usual first-person method to make annihilation universal.

28. A common source for Mrs. Shelley and for Poe, the Decameron, tells of the quick death of hogs which rooted among the rags of a victim, in “Day the First.” See Gasquet, The Black Death, pp. 28-32, for the widespread fatality of the 1348 epidemic in Florence and the rest of Italy. Both of Poe's references to Boccaccio (Harrison, 8.228 and 8.235) indicate his knowledge of the Decameron, which may have provided him with a general setting, while such works as The Last Man furnished details and phrases.

29. See Gerald Gerber, “Additional Sources for the ‘Masque of the Red Death,’ ” American Literature, 37 (Mar., 1965), 52-54, for attributing to Poe a knowledge of two works mentioned in The Canons of Good Breeding, a book being very facetiously reviewed by Poe (Harrison, 10.45-49). Mrs. Hemans's “The Revellers,” I find, presents a rather general treatment of the carefree dance of pleasure before the coming of death, not through plague, although she does mention “a wilder strain” of music (not the waltz), q.v. in her Poetical Works (Philadelphia, 1841), p. 264. Poe mentions many of her works, but never this one. Yet it may have made its contribution to his tale.

30. See, for example, the article, “History of the Skeleton of Death,” in Isaac Disraeli's Curiosities of Literature (New York, 1865), 4.95-105, a book well known to Poe (see notes to chap. vi below). Disraeli speaks of a costumed Death, as a “horrid Harlequin ... in a sort of masquerade” (p. 100), and yet too few are the corroborating details to render this a likely source for the Mary Shelley and Poe pieces.

31. See chap. i, n. 30 for an excerpt. For the English scorn of the new dance see Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians (New York, 1929), 5.624. Poe's use of a modern dance in an obviously Renaissance setting was more strikingly discordant before he dropped from the 1845 version Prospero's sentence, “Unease the varlet” (4.319).

32. It was published separately in the Apr., 1839 issue of the American Museum of Science, Literature and the Arts, while “The Fall of the House of Usher” appeared in Sept. in Burton's Gentleman's Magazine (see Harrison, 3.341).

33. Both were published in London in 1825. While Cooke's light [page 255:] opera (probably seen by Mrs. Shelley) adheres to Weber's libretto, Dimond, in his prefatory “advertisement,” claims that he went back to The Arabian Nights’ Entertainments for his text.

34. T. O. Mabbott, ed., Selected Poetry and Prose of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1951), p. 418; Kenneth Graham, Selected Tales of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1951), p. 418 and Eric W. Carlson, Introduction to Poe (Glenview, Ill., 1967), p. 578.

35. No. 5 of the Danses is the “Last Waltz,” written in 1822, q.v. in Grove's Dictionary of Music (New York, 1939), 4.362.

36. Percy Scholes, Oxford Companion to Music, 9th ed. (London, 1956), p. 654; see also Grove's Dictionary, 5th ed. (New York, 1955), 7.118-119, for the correction concerning “Gedanke.”

37. The Karr variations are in the Columbia University Music Library and those by Berr and by Herz are in the New York Public Library Music Collection. In Masterpieces of Piano Music, ed. Albert E. Wier (New York, n.d,), p. 47, “Weber's Last Thought,” subtitled “Derniere Pensee Musicale,” is still attributed to C. M. von Weber.

38. Religio Medici (London, 1950), pp. 70-73.

39. Mary Shelley's Journal, pp. 40 and 219.

40. Shelley, Letters, 1.341.

41. Hydriotaphia New York, 1951), p. 177. For Poe's reference see Harrison, 10.189.

42. Forrest, Biblical Allusions in Poe (New York, 1928), especially p. 161; Killis Campbell, “Poe's Knowledge of the Bible,” Studies in Philology, 27 (July, 1930), 546-551, and also his “Poe's Reading,” University of Texas Studies in English, no. 5 (1925), p. 193. I consider the biblical elements in Poe's “Shadow,” in Studies in Short Fiction, 6 (Fall, 1968).

43. Arthur Hobson Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), p. 187, correctly, I think, assigns details in “King Pest” and “The Masque of the Red Death” to the cholera plague in Baltimore in 1831, but errs in saying that Poe escaped it, for he left New York for Baltimore early in the year. For confirmation see John Ward Ostrom, ed., The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 1.45-47, for letters of Poe from Baltimore dated May 6, Oct. 16, and Nov. 18, 1831.

44. Quinn, p. 138.

45. Quinn, pp. 225-226. [page 256:]

46. Graham's Magazine, 18 (Jan., 1841), 48. Professor Mabbott kindly confirmed this as undoubtedly Poe's. William Doyle Hull II, “A Canon of the Critical Works of Edgar Allan Poe” (diss., University of Virginia, 1941), p. 310, is noncommittal about authorship of the item and then rejects it (p. 348).

47. French Writers (Philadelphia, 1841), 2.339.

48. Graham's Magazine, 19 (Sept., 1841), 144. This is confirmed as Poe's by Professor Mabbott and by Dr. Hull, p. 348.

49. Edwin Wolf II, “Horace Wemyss Smith's Recollections of Poe,” in The Library Chronicle of the Friends of the Library of the University of Pennsylvania, 17 (Spring-Summer, 1951), 90-103, specifically p. 93.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 6

1. Al Aaraaf (Baltimore, 1829), p. 17; the facsimile reprint, ed. Thomas Ollive Mabbott (New York, 1933), has been used for this and all subsequent references.

2. My text is that of James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 7.80. Hereafter all references to this edition will be made under “Harrison.”

3. For a collation of the various printings, see Floyd Stovall, ed., The Poems of Edgar Allan Poe (Charlottesville, 1965), p. 253. The two printings in the Philadelphia Saturday Museum, Feb. 25 and Mar. 4, 1843, are mentioned only by Stovall; John Robertson, Bibliography of the Writings of Edgar A. Poe (San Francisco, 1934), p. 12, and Heartman and Canny, A Bibliography of Edgar Allan Poe (Hattiesburg, Miss., 1943), p. 248.

4. For the 1840 copy sent to Stoddard, who had apparently requested Poe's autograph, see J. H. Whitty, ed., Complete Poems of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1911), p. 218; it is discussed also in The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe, ed. John W. Ostrom (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 2.486, and given in Ostrom's 1966 supplement, 2.692-693. For the relations of Stoddard and Poe see chap. xi of my text.

5. Professor Mabbott has helpfully furnished me with relevant excerpts from the manuscript, including Poe's inexplicable reference [page 257:] to the sonnet as “so obvious an imitation” of one of “the more obscure classics” — perhaps a deliberate mystification by Poe. For large excerpts of the manuscript, see Mary E. Phillips, Edgar Allan Poe — The Man (Philadelphia, 1926), 2.961-967.

6. There is a slight similarity in situation and language to Wordsworth's “Solitary Reaper.” Killis Campbell, The Mind of Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), traces a couplet in “The Valley of Unrest” (Poems, 1831) to Wordsworth's poem. [[pp. 155-156]]

7. Killis Campbell, ed., Poems of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1917), p. 235, notes its uncertain date and lack of Poe's customary revisions in all printings.

8. J. Lempriere, A Classical Dictionary (London, n.d.), p. 727, gives Odyssey I, 246; Aeneid III, 270; Heroides et Amores I, x, 87; Pliny IV, chap. 12 (erroneous for 19), as well as references by Livy, Strabo, Mela, and Pausanias. None of them are as relevant as the first three. For discussion of Zacynthos as eponymous ancestor of the Zantians see Robert Graves, The Greek Myths (New York, 1955), 2.261 and 345.

9. For these facts about Zante and Santa Maura see Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 28.956 and 24.189. In Memoirs on the Ionian Islands by General Guillaume de Vaudoncourt, trans. William Walton (London, 1816), p. 395, I find “Cape Dukato.” In “The First Evening” of the recently published Evenings in Greece (1826), Thomas Moore, one of Poe's favorite authors, has a long section of footnoted flower references, much like those in Al Aaraaf, with references to Leucadia, Sappho, Santa Maura, and, even more significantly, to “those bramble flowers, that breathe / Their odour into Zante's wines” (Moore, The Poetical Works [London, 1854], 5.8).

10. Al Aaraaf, p. 28. For a discussion of the confusing syntax of this passage, see Margaret Alterton and Hardin Craig, Edgar Allan Poe: RepreSentative Selections (New York, 1935), p. 487, in which Killis Campbell is held to regard Zante as “a spirit representing the hyacinth,” thereby driving Poe's etymological error to a new extreme.

11. C. D. Yonge, An English-Greek Lexicon (New York, 1886), p. 602.

12. On Poe's Greek see the deprecatory letter from Charles F. Briggs to Lowell of Aug. 21, 1845, in George Woodberry, The Life [page 258:] of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 2.146. Woodberry speaks of his Greek, Spanish, and Italian as “the merest smattering” (1.131) but mentions his regular attendance at classes in those languages (1.32).

13. George H. Green, “Poe's Notes to Al Aaraaf,” Aberystwyth Studies, 14 (1936), 1-34, specifically p. 7.

14. Georgics IV, 336-338. The line “Nesaee Spioque Thaliaque Cymodoceque,” being omitted from Codices Mediceus, Palatinus, Romanus, and Gudianus, may not have appeared in any text used by Poe, but it is to be found in Aeneid V, 826; also in V (803 and 808) occur two instances of Xanthus, the river in Asia Minor. This, known as the Scamander, could change to yellow the hair of bathers.

15. In “To Helen,” we find two key adjectives of the type found in Zante: The Nicean barks carry the “way-worn wanderer” over a “perfumed sea” and Helen has “hyacinth hair.”

16. Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), p. 157, notes Poe's spelling of “Archaian” for “Achaian” in 1829, an apparent misprint which is given twice.

17. Harrison, 1.345.

18. No one believes the romantic tale; see Quinn, p. 118, and Woodberry, Life of Poe, 1.73, who speaks of the travels of Poe's brother.

19. R. H. Stoddard, ed., Poems by Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1875), pp. 34-35.

20. Quinn, p. 104.

21. Frances Winwar, The Haunted Palace (New York, 1959), p. 80.

22. Hervey Allen, Israfel, 3rd printing (New York, 1960), p. 146, n. 249.

23. Note D, The Poetical Works of Lord Byron (London, 1859), p. 765.

24. These and other details can be found in Leslie Marchand, Byron (New York, 1957), 3.1091-1146.

25. Ibid., 3.1120, n. 1.7.

26. Ibid., 3.1213.

27. See, for example, Count Pietro Gamba, Narrative of Lord Byron's Last Journey to Greece (London, 1825) and William Parry, The Last Days of Lord Byron (London, 1825). For details in [page 259:] Thomas Moore, see The Works of Lord Byron (London, 1832), 6.220.

28. Letter to Thomas W. White, of Apr. 30, 1835, given by Whitty, Complete Poems, pp, xxviii-xxix.

29. Mary E. Phillips, Poe, 1,284, speaks of the early copies of “The Dream” made by Poe.

30. Campbell, Poems, p. 235.

31. Campbell, Poems, p. 77, gives the rejected stanza and links the two poems in his article in The Nation, 88 (Mar. 11, 1909), 248-249. Quinn, Poe, p. 93, considers the connection between his love for Sarah Elmira and the passion in these poems as either doubtful or merely that of a “dramatized” emotion.

32. Roy Basler, “Byronism in Poe's ‘To One in Paradise,’ ” American Literature, 9 (1937), 232-236, postulates that the item was jotted down between 1830 and 1834, although published to accompany an illustration of Byron and Mary Chaworth in the Columbian Magazine of Dec., 1844.

33. For Byron's text, see Works (1859), p. 54; for Poe's article see Harrison, 14.150-152; and for Lady Trevanion, see Marchand, Byron, 1,11.

34. The Life and Letters of Fitz-Greene Halleck, ed, James Grant Wilson (New York, 1869), pp. 396-397 and 430-431. See also indexed material on Halleck in Quinn, Poe.

35. For the complete article, “The Culprit Fay, and Other Poems Together with Halleck's ‘Alnwick Castle, with Other Poems,’ ” see Harrison, 8.275-318.

36. Marchand, Byron, 3.1103, 1114-1115.

37. Ibid., 3.1235.

38. Notice the quite gratuitous connection made by Poe between “Alnwick Castle” and Don Juan (Harrison, 8.310).

39. Quinn, Poe, p. 124.

40. Marchand, Byron, 1.554.

41. Woodberry, Life of Poe, 1.64.

42. Quinn, Poe, pp. 124-125, 160.

43. I agree with Professor Mabbot that this is a more likely source than the “Ianthe” of Shelley's Queen Mab, which Poe cited in his Drake-Halleck review of 1836. Charles W. Kent, in Harrison, 7.279, calls Al Aaraaf “Queen-Mablike.”

44. See n. 31 above for The Nation. See also Killis Campbell, [page 260:] “Poe's Reading,” University of Texas Studies in English, no. 5 (1925), 165-190, especially 168-169. Poe referred to Byron thirty-three times. For echoes of Byron in the poems see Campbell, Poems, pp. 178, 185, 186, 188, 192, and The Mind of Poe, pp. 150-152. For other comments, see Quinn, Poe, p. 104, and Joseph Wood Krutch, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1926), p. 65; John H. Ingram, Edgar Allan Poe (London, 1880), 1.38-42, 59, 250; 2.188-190, 273; and Haldeen Braddy, Glorious Incense (Washington, 1933), p. 36.

45. Ostrom, Letters, 1.20.

46. Ibid., 1.19.

47. Quinn, Poe, p. 162.

48. See n. 31 above. The “misty clime” of the speaker recalls Byron rather than Poe.

49. Campbell, “Poe's Reading,” p. 168, Richard P. Benton, in Nineteenth-Century Fiction, 18 (1963), 193-197, shows that Poe borrowed the characters of “The Assignation” from Byron's affair with the Countess Guiccioli and the art lore from Byron's Folinjo letter to Murray, as recorded in Moore's Letters and Journals of Lord Byron (1830).

50. See Arthur H. Quinn and Edward H. O’Neill, eds., The Complete Poems and Stories of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1946), 2.1066-67 for variant titles.

51. Woodberry, Life of Poe, 1.64, deplores his pretentious show of learning and quotations, begun with this line from Chateaubriand, which Woodberry traces verbatim in his edition of Poe's works (New York, 1914), 10.176-177. See Harrison, 7.198, for a mere reference to the locus in Chateaubriand.

52. Only George H. Green has traced these allusions (see n. 13 above).

53. François Chateaubriand, Itineraire de Paris a Jerusalem, in Oeuvres Completes (Paris, 1859), 5.117. Other editions that I have checked contain the italics. Poe could have seen editions of 1811 (two), 1812, and 1822.

54. Chateaubriand, Itineraire, ed. Emile Malakis (Baltimore, 1946), 1.163.

55. Ibid., 1.108. Malakis cites a later edition of this work.

56. De Vere, Picturesque Sketches (London, 1850), pp. 27 and 30. [page 261:]

57. Robertson, Commentary on the Bibliography of Edgar A. Poe (San Francisco, 1934), 2.163. He further deprecates the sonnet as “not dream-inspired but an intellectual conception.”

58. The splitting of fior into two syllables is noted by G. Tusiani, Sonettisti Americani (Chicago, 1954), pp. 28-29, according to Frances Winwar, The Haunted Palace, p. 120.

59. Quinn, Poe, p. 124.

60. Although Chateaubriand mentions only “l’hyacinthe” in his allusion to the origin of the name, a possible source for his statement speaks of the flower of “jacinte” as the origin: Coronelle, Description geographique et historique de la Moree (Paris, 1686; 2nd ed., 1687) — given by Malakis, Itineraire, 1.163n.

61. Earl L. Griggs, “Five Sources of Edgar Allan Poe's Pinakidia,’ ” American Literature, (May, 1929), 196-199.

62. See, e.g., Hervey Allen, Israfel, p. 282, for the notice in the Saturday Visiter of Oct. 19, 1833, signed by Kennedy, Latrobe, and Miller, the judges, concerning the “varied and curious learning” of the Tales of the Folio Club.

63. See, e.g., Professor Mabbott's item, given in my chap. x, n. 2.

64. Professor Griggs used a four-volume set of the Curiosities printed in New York, 1864, identical with my set of 1865, used below. In fact, there were two series, the first originating in 1791 and often revised, at least into the 1820's, and a second series, issued in 1823. In the 1840's these volumes, usually six in number, were merged into one set, printed consecutively. Poe knew especially well the first series, which had reached a sixth edition by 1817.

65. Curiosities of Literature (New York, 1865), 2.277, the whole article being 2.260-279; in the 1817 edition, 2.481-511.

66. See Andrews, Latin-English Lexicon (New York, 1870), p. 1047.

67. Q. Horatii Flacci, Carminum Libri IV, ed. T. E. Page (London, 1909), p. 103.

68. The Complete Works of Horace (New York, 1936), p. 272.

69. In a note for Carminum Libri IV, 3.15.15, p. 353, Page offers a better explanation than Disraeli for the extension of pur-pureus in meaning, as in “purpureus rosae”: The ancient purpura had “the deep colour ... of clotted blood” or a “peculiar sheen or [page 262:] brilliancy.” Hence, Vergil's Aeneid VI, 614, “lumine purpureo.”

70. Carminum, 3.28.15, p. 98.

71. Citations are indicated in my Dictionary of Names and Titles in Poe's Collected Works (New York, 1968), p. 46.

72. For the life and associations of Hewitt, see DAB, 8.606-607 and Recollections of Poe by John Hill Hewitt, ed. Richard B. Harwell (Atlanta, 1949), both of which will be used for my text. Hewitt provides material in his Shadows on the Wall (Baltimore, 1877).

73. Given by Harwell, Recollections, p. 22. Hewitt reprinted this part of the article in Shadows, pp. 42-43. See also Quinn, Poe, p. 165.

74. See Shadows, pp. 39-41; Hervey Allen, Israfel, p. 284, is in error in giving 1833 as the date when Wilmer yielded the editorship to Hewitt, for he had assumed it in 1832 before the contest, hence the pseudonym.

75. Hewitt, in Shadows, pp. 154-455, offers the events of both 1829 and 1833 as causes of Poe's hostility. The date (1833) of the fist fight is revealed in Hewitt's letter of 1885, given by V. Starrett, “A Poe Mystery Uncovered,” Saturday Review of Literature, 26, (May 1, 1943), 4-5, 25. His reprint of the Minerva review of Al Aaraaf shows how much of it was reprinted, verbatim, in Shadows on the Wall.

76. Poe's “A Decided Loss,” as it appeared in the Philadelphia Saturday Courier, Nov. 10, 1832, 2.1 (columns 1 and 2), is printed in facsimile by John G. Varner, Edgar Allan Poe and the Philadelphia Saturday Courier (Charlottesville, 1933), pp. 38-49, the passage being on pp. 41-42. Had Hewitt known about his inclusion in the tale, he would not have printed “Serenade” by “E. A. Poe,” in the Apr. 20, 1833 Visiter, or the possible Poe poems by “Tamerlane,” entitled “To and “Fanny,” all three of which are ascribed by John C. French in “Poe and the Baltimore Saturday Visiter,” Modern Language Notes, 33 (May, 1918), 257-267,

77. Harrison, 2.155 and 2.357.

78. Grandjean appears also in “The Angel of the Odd” of Oct., 1844, in connection with false hair, for which reason Varner, p. vi, supposes him to be a wigmaker. Professor Mabbott has identified him for me as Auguste Grandjean, New York “hair treatment expert.” [page 263:]

79. The favor, mentioned by Hewitt, Shadows, p. 43, is specified by Harwell, Recollections, p. 19, as the loan of a half dollar — an indication of Poe's desperate straits in Washington. This is the only point at which Hewitt's antagonism to Poe is tempered.

80. In 1839, according to the DAB.

81. Ostrom, Letters, 1.201.

82. Hewitt reprinted it next to Poe's “Coliseum” in Shadows, 157-159, with a resentful remark: “The first may be found in every edition of Poe's poems; the second in the only edition of my poetic works, published about thirty-five years ago.” He alludes to Miscellaneous Poems (Baltimore, 1838), pp. 74-76.

83. Shadows, p. 42, taken from his 1829 review.

84. Palmer C. Holt, “Notes on Poe's ‘To Science,’ To Helen,’ and ‘Ulalume, — Bulletin of the New York Public Library, 63 (Nov., 1959), 568-570, effectively proves that Poe's “To Science” derives from a translation of Bernardin de St. Pierre's Studies in Nature, not from Keats's Lamia as claimed by Margaret Alterton, Representative Selections, p. 479. For traces of Endymion and “The Eve of St. Agnes” in Poe's works see Marvin B. Perry, Jr., “Keats and Poe,” in English Studies in Honor of James Southall Wilson (Charlottesville, 1951), pp. 45-52.

85. Allen, Israfel, pp. 106 and 141; Frances Winwar, The Haunted Palace, p. 81.

86. Poe's review of Ballads and Other Poems of Longfellow, first printed in Graham's, Mar., 1842, given in Harrison, 11.64-85, specifically, p. 76.

87. Quinn, Poe, p. 429, and Ostrom, Letters, 1.257-258.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 7

1. Carter Boyd, in “Poe's Debt to Charles Brockden Brown,” Prairie Schooner, 27 (1953), 190-196, mentions Forgues's article in the Revue, but he is in error about its being the fashion to trace literary ancestry to Godwin as well as to Hoffman. For French criticism, see Patrick F. Quinn, The French Face of Edgar Poe (Carbondale, Ill., 1957) and Arthur H. Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), pp. 516-519. The latter merely comments that Forgues [page 264:] placed Poe's tales “for the first time in the great succession of English fiction,” without noting Godwin's role.

2. For Poe's statement see The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe, ed. James A. Harrison (New York, 1902), 16.145; this edition will be used and cited hereafter under “Harrison” or by volume and page number alone. For the “encouragement” see Arthur H. Quinn, Introduction, The Complete Poems and Stories of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1958), pp. 11-12, although he gives no evidence of Poe's awareness of the reviews in 1846.

3. E. D. Forgues, “Les Contes d’Edgar Poe,” Revue des Deux Mondes, Ser. 5. Vol. 16 (Oct., 1846), 341-366. Poe himself underscored the comparison of his own work with that of Godwin and Brown in the biographical article for which he provided the material in the Saturday Museum of Philadelphia, 1 (Mar. 4, 1843), 1. Among the many laudations of his writings he includes the following:

For Professor Frost see Poe's “Autography” sketch in Graham's Magazine, 19 (Dec., 1841), 285 (Harrison, 15.242-243). My thanks are due to Dean Walter Sedelow and Donna Setzer of the University of North Carolina for sending me the page, xeroxed, of the very rare Saturday Museum.

4. Edinburgh Review, 107 (Apr., 1858), 426.

5. See William Dunlap, Life of Charles Brockden Brown (Philadelphia, 1815), 1.107 and 2.15, and Cyclopaedia of American Literature, ed. Evert Duyckinck (Detroit, 1882), 1.612, for the letter from Brown to his brother on the “transcendent merits” of Caleb Williams. For Poe's references to Brown see Harrison, 11.206, 12.224, and 16.41. See also Quinn, Poe, p. 359, for Edgar Huntly as source of “The Pit and the Pendulum.” See Ostrom, ed., Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 1.117, concerning Poe's intention to devote an article in the Examiner and Hesperian of 1839 to C. B. Brown.

6. References to four of these have been made by Rene Wellek and Austin Warren, Theory of Literature (New York, 1949), p. [page 265:] 335, n. 9; Killis Campbell, “Poe's Reading,” in University of Texas Studies in English, no. 5 (1925), p. 181; Kills Campbell, The Mind of Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), p. 15, n. 3. Woodberry, The Life of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 1.174, mentions that “he praises with enthusiasm Godwin” and others. The only comment of any length is that of Gerald Grubb, “Dickens and Poe,” Nineteenth-Century Fiction, 5 (1950), 1-22, specifically, p. 19.

7. The Larousse Grand Dictionnaire Universel du XIXe Siecle (1870), 7.1342, remarks that Godwin's death “made more noise in France than in his country.” See also the adulation in Biographie Universelle et Portative des Contemporains (Paris, 1834), 2.1900-1902, and Nouvelle Biographie Generale (Paris, 1857), 20.934-937.

8. Harrison, 2.154. Poe is quoting Mandeville (London, 1817), 3.48.

9. See Harrison, 8.92-94, for Poe's review. After the 1835 American reprint of Lives of the Necromancers came those of 1847 and 1876; it was reviewed by the New-York Mirror, 13 (Aug. 29, 1835), 70-71; The Knickerbocker, 6 (Nov., 1835), 477-478; Atkinson's Casket, no. 12 (Dec., 1835), p. 715; The Southern Rose, 3 (May 30, 1835), 155-156; and, in the 1847 edition, by The Literary World, 2 (Aug., 1847), 91-92. At Griswold's death his library contained only the Necromancers and Caleb Williams as representatives of Godwin's writings, according to the Catalogue of the Entire Private Library of the late Rev. Rufus W. Griswold (New York, 1859).

10. Harrison, 14.6, 20, 23, 31; Brewster, Letters on Natural Magic (New York, 1832), pp. 248-255. In his preface Godwin indirectly suggests the comparison between his own and Brewster's book: “The work I have written is not a treatise of natural magic.” Among the many reviews of Godwin's work that I have seen, the only other one to compare Godwin and Brewster is that in the Irish Monthly Magazine of Politics and Literature, 3 (July, 1834), 408-420. For Poe's use of Brewster see also W. K. Wimsatt, Jr., “Poe and the Chess Automaton,” American Literature, 11 (May, 1939), 138-151.

11. See Harrison, 8.xvi, on Poe's “curious verbal analysis.” Poe was able to read St. Leon in the Baltimore Athenaeum library, which he used during his long sojourns in Baltimore, according to Killis Campbell, “Poe's Reading,” q.v. in n. 6. The Peabody Institute [page 266:] has generously lent me the Catalogue (1827) showing St. Leon (Alexandria, 1801) as included.

12. For Godwin's stress on clear style, see my Education and Enlightenment in the Works of William Godwin (New York, 1962), pp. 101-102, 114, 194-195.

13. It is made perhaps indirectly, however, in Robert Spiller, et al., Literary History of the United States (New York, 1949), 1.276, in a mention of Bird as showing common traits with Cooper and Simms; Simms may be viewed as a member of the Godwin’ school of fiction.

14. Occasionally, but rarely, the critics might object to the “tautology of reflections” of the hero, as did the reviewer of Deloraine, in the Metropolitan Magazine, 5 (1833), 114.

15. Ford K. Brown, William Godwin (London, 1926), p. 87: “Caleb Williams was thought to have influenced the style and method of Bulwer-Lytton, Ainsworth, and Dickens.” Ainsworth's biographers — Ellis, Elwin, Joline, and Blanchard — omit Godwin in favor of Monk Lewis, Mrs. Radcliffe, and Maturin — wrongly, I think.

16. S. M. Ellis, William Harrison Ainsworth and His Friends (London, 1911), 1.121-122.

17. Malcolm Elwin, The London Mercury, 26 (Aug., 1932), 358, “Like Dickens he had the vaguest notion of a plot.” A. H. Joline, At the Library Table (Boston, 1910), p. 122, “No power to portray character or to analyze motives; his genius was purely descriptive.” However, S. M. Ellis says: “Guy Fawkes is one of Ainsworth's best romances: very carefully written, the original scheme laid down skilfully ... it is also the most psychical. ... There is indeed a very considerable power of analysis of character, not as a rule a prominent feature of Ainsworth's work” (William Harrison Ainsworth, 1.397).

18. Grubb, “Dickens and Poe,” Nineteenth-Century Fiction, 5 (1950), 1-22, 101-120, 209-221.

19. Grubb, p. 19; Hervey Allen, Israfel (New York, 1927), 2.528.

20. Literary Gazette, no. 828 (Dec. 1, 1832), pp. 759-760; for the friendship of the two see Una Pope-Hennessy, Charles Dickens (London, 1947), p. 134 and Edgar Johnson, Charles Dickens (New York, 1952), 1.104.

21. Museum of Foreign Literature, 22 (Mar., 1833), 403-405. [page 267:]

22. Quinn, Poe, pp. 417-418, verifies the fact that Poe's letter to Mrs. Hale of May 31, 1844, concerned “A Chapter of Suggestions,” for the annual The Opal, of 1845, published late in 1844; see also Ostrom, Letters, 1.255.

23. For the three quotations see Ellen Middleton, Tauchnitz ed. (Berne, 1846), pp. 104, 299, 334. For Shelley's remark see his review of Mandeville in Shelley's Prose (Albuquerque, 1954), p. 311.

24. See Pauline M. Craven, Lady Georgiana Fullerton, Sa Vie et ses oeuvres. 5th ed. (Paris, 1889), pp. 39-48 and 104-106.

25. See J. Lasley Dameron, “Poe's Reading of the British Periodicals, Mississippi Quarterly, 18 (1965), 19-25, for a related topic.

26. See the New-York Mirror, no. 10, whole no. 36 (June 14, 1845), p. 159 for a description of the two art works. Ideas and phrases from this editorial are liberally and literally borrowed by Poe in his article on the “Ivory Christ,” in the Broadway Journal (2.214), signed “P” but not collected by Harrison.

27. Ettore Fieramosca (New York, 1845), pp. 33-34, 76-77, 96, 197, and 273-274, the last being three paragraphs at the end concerning the use of history by a novelist. In the Broadway Journal, 2.109, is an uncollected editorial by Poe (initialled in the Halsey copy), giving a devastatingly sarcastic and intemperate rejoinder to a recent New-York Mirror defense of Lester's book against Poe's charge of lack of “autorial comment.”

28. The language and references of the text and William Doyle Hull II, “A Canon of the Critical Works of Edgar Allan Poe” (diss., University of Virginia, 1941), p. 691, all confirm this as Poe's. The markings by Poe are also proof. My thanks are due to the Huntington Library for answering my queries about the markings in the Halsey copy and to the Duke University Library for a microfilm of the Huntington Library copy.

29. A First Gallery, 2nd ed. (Edinburgh, 1851), pp. 20-24. The sequel to it, Modern Literature and Literary Men, Being a Second Gallery of Literary Portraits, of 1849, with a New York edition of 1850, continues its praise of Godwin and predicts immortality for three of his novels (New York, 1850), pp. 251-255 and 261.

30. Ostrom, Letters, 1.253-254; see also the same charge made earlier, 1.246-247.

31. Ibid., 1.258.

32. Fleetwood (London, 1832), pp. viii-ix. [page 268:]

33. Ostrom, 2.329, letter of Aug. 9, 1846, to Philip P. Cooke.

34. Fleetwood (1832), p. x. See also Godwin's preface to the 1831 edition of St. Leon, p. vi, concerning his growing belief that “the present race of readers” are interested in the previous “train of thoughts” of an author.

35. Ostrom, Letters, 2.316.

36. Ibid., 1.256.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 8

1. See Killis Campbell, “Contemporary Opinion of Poe,” PMLA, 36 (June, 1921), 142-166.

2. See Mary E. Phillips, Edgar Allan Poe — The Man (Philadelphia, 1926), 2.1370-1371, for the silhouette of Poe as a “literary Mohawk” with a tomahawk, which together with satirical verses appeared in Holden's Dollar Magazine, 3 (Jan., 1849), 22. See W. H. Auden, Edgar Allan Poe: Selected Prose and Poetry (New York, 1950), Introduction, for Poe's polemical attitude and his need to deal with so much third-rate writing.

3. Edmund Wilson, “Poe at Home and Abroad,” reprinted from The Shores of Light (New York, 1952), in Eric W. Carlson, The Recognition of Edgar Allan Poe (Ann Arbor, 1966), pp. 142-151, specifically, p. 149.

4. Reprinted from the Southern Literary Messenger, June, 1836, in James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 9.46. Textual references to this edition will be made hereafter under “Harrison” or simply by volume and page number.

5. The faulty punctuation of the original statement in Graham's Magazine obscures this tripartite division, as I show in “Byron, Poe, and Miss Matilda,” Names, 16 (Dec., 1968), 390-414.

6. Harrison, 12.248. For a fuller treatment of this theme see chap. xi.

7. Given in David K. Jackson, Poe and the Southern Literary Messenger (Richmond, 1934), p. 98.

8. Harrison, 8.74-75; Messenger, 2.46-47. The correct dates for the original editions are 1833 for the Recollections and 1835 for the [page 269:] Tales, despite the incorrect dating in the memoirs of Lady Dacre's descendant, Gertrude Lyster, A Family Chronicle (London, 1908), p. 75.

9. The Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (Cambridge, 1940), 3.229, is the only source that I have found which says that Lady Dacre both edited and revised Mrs. Sullivan's two works; this is contradicted by the Quarterly Review, 49 (Apr., 1833), 228-240.

10. Harrison, 8.74. The London Athenaeum also had trouble deciding upon the author and, in its second notice of the book, no. 272 (Jan. 12, 1833), p. 17, declared: “We are not without some suspicion that Lady Dacre had more to do with the composition of these volumes than the title page indicates. ... We may, however, be mistaken.” This notice, reprinted entire in the New-York Mirror, 10 (May 4, 1833), 350, if seen by Poe, may have influenced his opinion in this matter.

11. Quarterly Review, 49.231.

12. Lyster, A Family Chronicle, pp. 79-81. Lady Dacre also feared, with justice, that the Quarterly would attack her daughter's book (see n. 30 below).

13. Roorbach, Bibliotheca Americana (1852), asserts that Harper and Bros. published the Recollections as well as the Tales “by Lady Dacre,”/ but gives no date. British novels were usually pirated here within 6. few months. The New-York Mirror of May 4, 1833, writes: “As this popular work is shortly to issue from the American Press, we reprint the Athenaeum notice.” The book probably appeared in 1833, although I have found no reviews of this edition in American journals for 1833-1834. I assume that Poe saw the American reprint.

14. Lyster, A Family Chronicle, p. 19. The last forty-five pages of Foscolo's Essays on Petrarch were devoted to her translations, highly praised by Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, 13 (May, 1823), 579-588, the review of Foscolo's work, specifically p. 584; see also “Loves of the Poets,” Blackwood's, 26 (Sept., 1829), 524530, specifically, p. 530 for praise of Lady Dacre's translations.

15. The Works of Lord Byron, ed. R. E. Prothero (London, 1904), Vol. 10 of the set and Vol. 3 of the Letters, pp. 196-197. For a favorable reference by Byron to “Mrs. Wilmot” as poet, see Vol. 9 (Letters, Vol. 2), 332. Her children's play was Frogs and Bulls: A Lilliputian Piece in Three Acts (London, 1838). [page 270:]

16. T. O. Mabbott, Notes and Queries, 163 (Dec. 17, 1932), 441, and William Doyle Hull II, “A Canon of the Critical Works of Edgar Allan Poe” (diss., University of Virginia, 1941), p. 390. For the opportunity to use the latter, I am grateful to Dr. Hull and the Alderman Library, University of Virginia.

17. Spiller, Thorp, et al., Literary History of the United States (New York, 1949), “Bibliography,” 3.451, attributes Ned Myers to Cooper. Robert Spiller, Fenimore Cooper (New York, 1931), pp. 297-298, speaks of it as “his last book” for the Carey firm in 1843. James Grossman, James Fenimore Cooper (New York, 1949), p. 184, excludes the book from the Cooper canon on the basis of style, a view adopted by Donald A. Ringe, Cooper (New York, 1962), p. 162, n. 10.

18. Poe's knowledge of The Pilot may have led to his calling Pym's boat “The Ariel,” the name used by Cooper in The Pilot.

19. Broadway Journal, 1.81. My gratitude is due to the Duke University Library for sending me its microfilm of the Halsey copy of the Broadway Journal, now in the Huntington Library, showing Poe's initial to indicate his authorship of this article.

20. Tales of the Peerage had even more success, being reissued in 1849 and 1854 as Bentley's “Standard Novel No. 117” and by Darton and Company in 1859 as “The Parlour Library, No. 190.” The fragile, cheap paper of mid-Victorian novels may be one reason why few copies of Mrs. Sullivan's novels can be found today.

21. Both editions are listed in the British Museum Catalogue, the first as Vol. 112 of Duncombe's edition of plays, the second as Vol. 134 of Lacy's “Acting Edition of Plays.” The only other play by Burton given here is The Court Fool with a questioned publication date of 1883. W. Davenport Adams, A Dictionary of the Drama (Philadelphia, 1904), p. 232, lists several other apparent farces by Burton, in addition to The Court Fool, with no dates: Forty Winks, Ladies’ Man, Player's Progress, Silver King.

22. William L. Keese, William E. Burton, Actor, Author, and Manager (New York, 1885), pp. 7 and 115.

23. Adams, Dictionary of the Drama, p. 453, hints at more than these two adaptations, for he speaks of “several plays founded” on this “tale” from Recollections of a Chaperon but gives only those by Burton and Buckstone.

24. See Keese, Burton, p.8. [page 271:]

25. George C. D. Odell, Annals of the New York Stage (New York, 1928), 3.677. The entire series lists no further New York performances.

26. For Burton's career, especially in Philadelphia, see F. C. Wemyss, Twenty-six Years of the Life of an Actor and Manager (New York, 1847). For the Philadelphia productions see Arthur H. Wilson, A History of the Philadelphia Theatre, 1835-1855 (Philadelphia, 1935), p. 571.

27. See Edwin Wolf II, “Horace Wemyss Smith's Recollections of Poe” in The Library Chronicle: Friends of the Library of the University of Pennsylvania, 17 (Spring-Summer, 1951), 90-103.

28. A. H. Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), pp. 274-275. Note that Quinn, p. 277, mentions Burton's “one successful play, Ellen Wareham,” without noting its being an adaptation or Poe's interest in the novel. Frances Winwar, The Haunted Palace (New York, 1959), p. 199, writes about Burton: “Fancying himself a litterateur as well as an actor-manager and playwright, he had recently produced a successful play, Ellen Wareham, in which he combined his talents.”

29. Recollections of a Chaperon: Ellen Wareham (London, 1853), pp. 322 and 357.

30. Harrison, 8.74. In contrast to Poe's high praise for the tale, the Quarterly Review satirized the naive snobbery of Ellen Wareham. It says, for example, “Mrs. Sullivan has the art, however, to heighten this apparently superlative distress by some additional touches of extraordinary merit.” Ellen is saved from an ignominious journey to the courtroom in a hired “hack chaise” by the kind loan of Lord Besville's carriage (Quarterly Review, 49.239-240).

31. Harrison, 8.229-234. See John W. Ostrom, ed., Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 1.100-102, for Poe's letter of 1836 to the editor of the Richmond Courier giving proof of the clemency of his critiques. Yet Poe himself referred to the “somewhat overdone causticity” of his Messenger articles in the “Prospectus of the Penn Magazine,” given by Quinn, Poe, p. 307.

32. Edward H. Davidson, Poe: A Critical Study (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), p. 112. For Poe's praise of Conti in Oct., 1836, see Harrison, 9.195. [page 272:]

NOTES TO CHAPTER 9

1. The poem, minus the third stanza, is cited from Poe's The Raven and Other Poems (New York, 1845) as reprinted by James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 7.21. This edition is indicated hereafter under “Harrison.”

2. See Harrison, 7.155-156 for the following significant variations: 1827 version — line 1, “In youth's spring”; line 18, “poison’d wave”; line 21, “dark imagining”; 1829 version (Boston), p. 64 — for 1845 lines 9-12: “And the black wind murmur’d by, / In a dirge of melody — / My infant spirit would awake / To the terror of the lone lake.”

3. This is the 1831 version, in Harrison, 7.176. In 1845 the word deep is dropped and the reference to “graves” is intensified in “There open fanes and gaping graves / Yawn level with the luminous waves.”

4. Both in the title and in the “sinking towers” there is a suggestion of a submerged or submerging city, as in Shelley's stormy “West Wind Ode,” with its “old palaces and towers ... / All overgrown with azure moss and flowers”; compare Poe's second stanza (Harrison, 7.49). Killis Campbell in his edition of Poe's Poems (Boston, 1917), p. 209, finds a similarity only in Shelley's “Lines Written among the Euganean Hills,” line 49. Louise Pound in two discussions of this poem by Poe in American Literature, 6 (1934), 22-27 and 8 (1936), 70-71, assumes an engulfed city.

5. I agree with Killis Campbell, The Mind of Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1932), p. 155, in finding Wordsworth's “Solitary Reaper” in the Hebrides reference, but see below in my text for the possibility that Poe may have seen the misty and desolate isles of the lower Hebrides, such as Egg, Staffa, and Muck.

6. All dictionaries consulted agree with the OED in calling the simoom or simoon (the source perhaps of Poe's confusion) “a hot, dry, suffocating sand wind which sweeps across the African and Asiatic deserts.”

7. See Sidney Kaplan on the Tsalalians in his fine Introduction to The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym (New York, 1960).

8. Arthur H. Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), pp. 745-746 and 213, discredits Latrobe's inclusion of the “Descent” [page 273:] among the six prize tales of 1833. My future references to this book will be made as “Quinn” or “Quinn, Poe.”

9. This is an early instance of the “illimitable dominion” through the plague of King Death, which so powerfully concludes the later tale, “The Masque of the Red Death,” as presented in chap. v.

10. Woodberry, in the appendix to his Life of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 2.397-399, prints all but the first 200 words of the fragment with the comment that it is “very clearly written, without alteration or erasure, on three narrow strips of blue paper such as Poe used in other MSS. of 1845.” If this fact dates the composition, the references to lighthouse material in the 1845 Broadway Journal, below, are particularly apposite. T. O. Mabbott prints the whole fragment, including the missing words, in Selected Poetry and Prose of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1951), pp. 344-345; Mabbott says, however: “The handwriting seems to me to indicate that it was written very late in the author's life” (p. 426). In Notes and Queries, 182 (Apr. 25, 1942), 226-227, he asserts that Poe's death must have prevented its being completed.

11. T. O. Mabbott says that an encyclopaedia account seen by Poe must have suggested the tale. Brewster's Edinburgh Encyclopaedia (Philadelphia ed., 1832) gives a long, descriptive account of lighthouses with plates of the Eddystone and Bell-Rock structures, 12.48-66 and plate 347; Poe took material from this work for his “Maelstrom” details, as Woodberry shows, Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1903), 4.289-294, and for his Maelzel exposure, as W. K. Wimsatt, Jr., shows in American Literature, 11 (May, 1939), 138-151. Poe's tale, dated as 1796, suggests the South Rock lighthouse in Ireland, also of 1796, and secured by iron in the walls, as described by the Edinburgh Encyclopaedia, 12.63-64.

12. D. Alan Stevenson, The World's Lighthouses before 1820 (London, 1919), p. 182, notes the establishment by Act of Congress of lighthouses in 1798 in Hatteras, Ocracoke, and Cape Cod.

13. George R. Putnam, Lighthouses and Lightships (Boston, 1933), pp. 92-93 and 98-99, speaks of a ninety-foot-high building at Cape Hatteras in 1798; when rebuilt in 1870 it was 193 feet. He also speaks of those on other dangerous capes along the way to Charleston.

14. See the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 14th ed. (1929), 13.628; also Putnam, p. 180, on caissons for lighthouses. [page 274:]

15. See W. H. McCormick, Modern Book of Lighthouses (London, 1936), p. 63, and New International Encyclopaedia (New York, 1915), 14.130.

16. See Floyd Stovall, “Poe's Debt to Coleridge,” University of Texas Studies in English, 10 (July, 1930), 70-127. Darrel Abel, “A Key to the House of Usher,” The University of Toronto Quarterly, 18 (Jan., 1949), 176-186, discusses the tarn as “a symbol of Death-in-Life.”

17. Harrison, 2.80 and 2.338. When Poe revised this section of the piece for his 1840 Tales, he extended this “lake” passage. The hero's name has several variant spellings.

18. Quinn, Poe, pp. 745-746.

19. The name, used by Camoens in the Lusiads, is a Portuguese variant of a Bantu word, and Poe was not confusing the geographical name with the work by Voltaire to which he alluded elsewhere (2.278-279), although his placing it in Libya is arbitrary.

20. See F. De Wolfe Miller, “The Basis for Poe's ‘The Island of the Fay,’ ” American Literature, 14 (1942), 135-140. I have failed to discover the original work by John Martin. I suspect that the title, “The Island of the Fay,” is Poe's addition, since the paddling figure shows no wings; he may also have requested Sartain to add this figure and some vague wisps on the island itself.

21. Woodberry, Life of Poe, 1.236.

22. See Perry Miller, The Raven and the Whale (New York, 1956), pp. 71-117 and Claude Richard, “Poe and ‘Young America,’ ” Studies in Bibliography, 21 (1968), 25-58.

23. This idea is the basis of a plate article on Harper's Ferry in the May, 1842 Graham's Magazine, which I consider to be Poe's, although unsigned. For validation, see my article in American Literature, 40 (May, 1968), 164-178.

24. For a good account of what Poe must have observed there, see Cornelius Weygandt, Philadelphia Folks (New York, 1938), pp. 292-294, and also Francis B. Brandt, The Wissahickon Valley Within the City of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1927), pp. 109-111.

25. Quinn, Poe, pp. 395-397, and Hervey Allen, Israfel (New York, 1926; 1960 ed.), pp. 404-406.

26. For Lippard, see Joseph Jackson, A Bibliography of the Books of George Lippard (Pennsylvania Historical Society, n.p., 1930) [page 275:] and Ellis P. Oberholtzer, The Literary History of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1906), pp. 254-257. Of Lippard's many works, see especially Rose of Wissahickon, or the 4th of July, 1776 (Philadelphia, 1847), Prologue, pp. 3-9. In the Broadway Journal (1.363) is Poe's uncollected review of the Quaker City, by Lippard, called “a genius.”

27. Cornelius Weygandt, The Wissahickon Hills (Philadelphia, 1940), pp. 31-32, reports it as being signed by B. Matthias when it was reprinted in The Philadelphia Book or Specimens of ,Metropolitan Literature, published in 1836.

28. Quinn, Poe, p. 397. An elk is an unlikely pet for patients, being a large dangerous animal, as indicated by Olaus J. Murie, The Elk of North America (Harrisburg, 1951), pp. 69, 263-264, and 308.

29. John W. Ostrom, ed., The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 2.356, hereafter cited in my text as “Ostrom.”

30. Quinn, Poe, p. 358, n. 21, cites R. V. Costello and W. K. Wimsatt, Jr., on the baselessness of Poe's assumption.

31. Poe was perhaps-assuming the pseudonym of “William Landor,” i.e., Horace Binney Wallace, from whose essays and novel Stanley he borrowed many scraps of erudition for his own columns, q.v. in George E. Hatvary's “Poe's Borrowings from H. B. Wallace,” American Literature, 38 (Nov., 1966), 365-372.

32. Agnes Bondurant, Poe's Richmond (Richmond, 1942), pp. 202-203, and H. Allen, Israfel, pp. 27-28 and 78-80.

33. Quinn, Poe, pp. 65-68; H. Allen, Israfel, pp. 55-56, and Mary E. Phillips, Edgar Allan Poe — the Man (Philadelphia, 1926), 1.122-132.

34. See Muniments of the Royal Burgh of Irvine (Edinburgh, 1891), 2.163, for a discussion of the early use and abuse of this old structure.

35. See, for example, Arnold F. McJannet, The Royal Burgh of Irvine (Glasgow, 1938), pp. 223-224. This book was kindly shown me by the Irvine Clerk of Records, in the summer of 1968. See J. H. Whitty, “Poe in England and Scotland,” Bookman (Sept., 1916), pp. 14-21, for a good account of this period and for photographs of Irvine.

36. H. Allen, Israfel, pp. 58-59.

37. This illuminating little leaflet, citing the Boston and Charleston [page 276:] papers of the period, was published in Columbia, South Carolina, 1940, and reproduced in toto in the Charleston News and Courier of Jan. 5, 1941. I am grateful to Professor Davis's daughter, Sarah Davis Burns, for a copy of the first and to the editor of the paper for the second.

38. H. Allen, Israfel, pp. 170-183. See also the article by Charles Lee Lewis, “Edgar Allan Poe and the Sea,” in the Southern Literary Messenger, 3 (Jan., 1941), 5-10, consulted after this chapter was completed, which traces several sea references in Poe's works to show “the fascination which the sea had for Poe”; he does not specify the nature of the fascination.

39. See “Washington Irving's Letters to Mary Kennedy,” by S. T. Williams and Leonard B. Beach, in American Literature, 6 (Mar., 1934), 44-65, specifically p. 53. Irving also compares the romantic prospect of the Harper's Ferry gorge to the Hudson at West Point, as does Poe in his Harper's Ferry plate article (see n. 23 above).

40. See Mary E. Phillips's detailed account of Poe's stay at the Brennan farm, Poe, 2.882-898; transit to the lower city, she says, was made “by omnibus and ferry-boat,” a trip taken at least twice by Virginia who “loved the water” (p. 898). Her detailed map of Poe's New York City residence (p. 892) shows the farm on 84th Street, contradicting the “87th Street” location (p. 883). See also Quinn, Poe, p. 414.

41. Phillips, Poe, 2.909, and Woodberry, Life of Poe, 2.114.

42. Edward Wagenknecht, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1963), p. 62, mentions Sarah Miller's 1909 account of Poe's rowing to the islands south of Blackwell's “for his afternoon swim.”

43. Republished by Jacob E. Spannuth and T. O. Mabbott (Pottsville, Pa., 1929). I discuss Poe's regret in “New York City in the Tales of Poe,” Journal of the Bronx County Historical Society, 2 (Jan., 1965), 16-22.

44. Sarah Helen Whitman, Edgar Poe and His Critics (New York, 1860), p. 32.

45. John Sartain, The Reminiscences of a Very Old Man (New York, 1899), 2.207-212.

46. See Quinn, Poe, p. 640; also Wagenknecht's brief discussion, Poe, p. 229, and my discussion at the end of chap. xi.

47. For example, Marie Bonaparte, The Life and Works of Edgar Allan Poe, trans. John Rodker (London, 1949), p. 37, writes, concerning [page 277:] “The Lake”: “For Poe, this lake would seem to have been the symbol of his dead mother which lured him on and beckoned him to return and once more merge in her.”

48. See, for example, Gaston Bachelard (who admittedly takes his cue from Marie Bonaparte), in L’Eau et les reties (Paris, 1942; reprinted 1947), chap. ii, “L’eau dans la reverie d’Edgar Poe,” pp. 63-96. He presents as basic Poe themes the following: “water is an invitation to die”: rivers can be identified with blood; and water represents rain and, in turn, tears from the sky.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 10

1. Among Poe's biographers this tale has received attention only from Mary E. Phillips, Edgar Allan Poe — The Man (Philadelphia, 1926), 2.1392-1394.

2. “Von Kempelen” appeared in The Flag of Our Union, 4 (Apr. 14, 1849), 2, but was printed from Griswold's edition by James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 6.245-254, with corrections of the spelling of “Humphrey” and “lieden” (for “Flatplatz” see my text, below). My references will be made to the text of Harrison under “Harrison.” For the gold rush in “Eldorado” see Killis Campbell, ed., Poems of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1917), p. 286, and Oral S. Coad, Modern Language Notes, 59 (Jan., 1944), 59-61; T. O. Mabbott, Modern Language Notes, 60 (May, 1945), 312-314, also gives other sources, such as Moore's Epicurean and Disraeli's reprint of “Tom-a-Bedlam's Song”; see also n. 62 below.

3. John Ward Ostrom, ed., The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 2.417-419. All references to this work will be made under “Ostrom.” A fragment of this statement is quoted by Mary Phillips, 2.1393.

4. Ostrom, 2.427; cited also by Hervey Allen, Israfel (New York, 1934 — reprint of 1926 ed.), pp. 637-638.

5. In “Diddling Considered as One of the Exact Sciences” (Harrison, 5.211), first printed on Oct. 14, 1843, as “Raising the Wind. ... ” Note also his early advice on literary hoaxing in “How to Write a Blackwood's Article” and the tricks recommended in “The Business Man.” [page 278:]

6. See Poe's note, added to “Hans Pfaall” in 1840, on “verisimilitude” and his “attempt to give plausibility by scientific detail” (Harrison, 2.103-108).

7. For sources and also criticism of Poe's method of “half-citation” see James O. Bailey, “Sources of Poe's Arthur Gordon Pym, ‘Hans Pfaall,’ and Other Pieces,” PMLA, 57 (June, 1942), 513-535.

8. For sources other than those given by Bailey, see Keith Huntress, “Another Source for ... Pym,’ ” American Literature, 16 (Mar., 1944), 19-24; R. L. Rhea, “Some Observations on Poe's Origins,” University of Texas Studies in English, no. 5 (1930), pp. 135-146; and D. M. McKeithan, “Two Sources of Poe's Pym,” University of Texas Studies in English, no. 13 (1933), pp. 116-137.

9. W. K. Wimsatt, Jr., “A Further Note on Poe's Balloon Hoax,” American Literature, 22 (Jan., 1951), 491-492.

10. Published in London, 1836; Poe used the New York reprint of 1837, q.v., in Harold H. Scudder, “Poe's ‘Balloon Hoax,’ ” American Literature, 21 (May, 1949), 179-190.

11. See Ronald S. Wilkinson, “Poe's ‘Balloon-Hoax’ Once More,” American Literature, 32 (Nov., 1960), 313-317. For Poe's self-congratulatory account in the Columbia Spy, see Arthur Hobson Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), p. 410. I find that T. N. Weissbuch, “Edgar Allan Poe: Hoaxer in the American Tradition,” New-York Historical Society Quarterly, 45 (July, 1961), 291-309, takes up some of this material, with less stress on Poe's descriptive use of borrowed data.

12. See Sidney E. Lind, “Poe and Mesmerism,” PMLA, 62 (Dec., 1947), 107-194.

13. In Notes and Queries, 183 (Nov., 1942), 311-312, Professor Mabbott reports that the London pamphlet bore an introduction expressing belief in the hoax, but fails to give the wording. The rare book division of the Columbia University Library has a copy of this threepenny pamphlet of sixteen pages, published by Short and Company in 1846. The full title, printed with a variety of capitals on the cover reads:

Mesmerism “In Articulo Mortis.” An Astounding and Horrifying Narrative, Shewing the Extraordinary Power of Mesmerism in Arresting the Progress of Death. By Edgar A. Poe, Esq. of New York.

On the reverse (p. 2), appears this “Advertisement”: [page 279:]

14. According to Professor Mabbott, Selected Poetry and Prose of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1951), p. 425, “nobody took it seriously.”

15. Bratislava, prominent medieval city of Slovakia, formerly’ the capital of Hungary, was usually given the German spelling of Pressburg, as in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 22.299. However, I find Presburg in Chambers's Encyclopaedia (Philadelphia ed., 1895), 8.390.

16. Wimsatt, American Literature, 11 (May, 1939), 138-151, and George Woodberry, Life of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 1.178. Professor Wimsatt implies that Brewster wrote the account in the Edinburgh Encyclopaedia; however, Poe accuses Brewster, his real source of knowledge, of plagiarizing the account. Though he was unaware of it, Poe was correct, for the articles on “Androides” and “Automata” were written by William Dalyell. Poe's high respect for Brewster is indicated by his many references to this scientist, q.v. in my Dictionary of Names and Titles in Poe's Collected Works (New York, 1968), p. 13.

17. Nouvelle Biographic Generale (Paris, 1863), 32.643, gives the price as $500,000, while Michaud's Biographic Universelle (Paris, 1861), 24.13, gives it as $400,000. See both works for the great fame and prestige of Wolfgang von Kempelen in his day.

18. Harrison, 2.27. Mabbott, Selected Poetry and Prose, p. 416, says that Morella “presumably ‘majored’ ” in black magic at Pressburg, renowned for the “science.”

19. The Dial, 4 (Jan., 1844), 408.

20. It appears on p. 14 (misnumbered as 41) and p. 15.

21. Deutsche Schnellpost, 3 (July 2, 1845), 198. The New York Historical Society has the most complete set of this periodical, which it graciously allowed me to xerox for collation of texts. [page 280:]

22. See Harrison, 16.181, 186-187, and 299 for praise of Humboldt and 16.183 for his preface about the “poem.”

23. Poe's obvious authorship of the items in the “Miscellany” is noted by Killis Campbell, “Bibliographical Notes on Poe,” The Nation, 89 (1909), 623-624.

24. My text for this item is A. H. Quinn and E. H. O’Neill, eds., The Complete Poems and Stories of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1946), 2.705, since they use the text of The Flag of Our Union, 4 (Apr. 14, 1849), 2, which neither Griswold nor Harrison knew. Collation of the texts of Harrison and Quinn reveals that Poe's erroneous “Humphrey” and “lieden” of the first printing were corrected by Harrison (see 6.297) as being obviously wrong; Griswold's apparent change from Poe's “Flatzplatz” to “Flatplatz” was preserved by Harrison.

25. There is a hint of the same universal fate in “The Colloquy of Monos and Una” (Harrison, 4.205). Quinn, Poe, p. 187, surmises that the 1833 shower of meteors, in Baltimore or Halley's comet of 1835 chiefly inspired “The Conversation.” Poe disparages Arago in a tone caught up from Walsh's Sketches of Conspicuous Living Characters in France, reviewed in Apr., 1841 (Harrison, 10.134, 136, 138). Poe undoubtedly knew the rather flippant review by his colleague Briggs, in the Broadway Journal of Mar. 29, 1845 (1.194), of Arago's Popular Lectures on Astronomy.

26. John W. Wayland, The Pathfinder of the Seas (Richmond, 1930) and Charles Lee Lewis, Matthew Fontaine Maury: Pathfinder of the Seas (Annapolis, 1927). For other accounts see Diana Fontaine Maury Corbin, A Life of Matthew Fontaine Maury (London, 1888), Jaqueline Caskie, Life and Letters of Matthew Fontaine Maury (Richmond, 1928), and Patricia Jahns, Matthew Fontaine Maury and Joseph Henry (New York, 1961). There is available no complete or thorough life of the founder of oceanography, so far as I know.

27. Dictionary of American Biography, 12.429. See also Diana Corbin, chap. v, pp. 53-73, and J. Caskie, p. 27.

28. Harrison, 9.50. Of all the accounts of Maury, only that of Lewis (n. 26 above) alludes to Poe's review of his book (p. 28) and none mentions the “Von Kempelen” reference. A thorough search of Maury's papers might reveal material concerning Poe, especially in connection with his editorship of the Messenger in 1843. [page 281:]

29. For Maury's “Harry Bluff” papers, see Diana Corbin, Life, chap. iv, 40-52, and Lewis, Maury, pp. 34-41.

30. Lewis, pp. 51-65. See Patricia Jahns, Maury and Henry, p. 102, for the effect of the charts on travel to the gold fields. He was known to be influenced by ideas in the Cosmos of Humboldt, so admired by Poe; in turn Humboldt was to send him a highly flattering public letter for his contributions to science in 1855 (see J. Caskie, Life, pp. 52-53).

31. The printings for this and other tales are listed in Quinn and O’Neill, Complete Poems and Stories, 2.1073-1074, as well as in the chapter by John C. Wyllie in Humanistic Studies in Honor of John Calvin Metcalf (Charlottesville, 1941), pp. 322-338.

32. In fact, no major biography mentions him at all. If Poe had contributed to the, Messenger during the first eight months of 1843, the period when Maury was editor, a direct contact could be established; Heartman and Canny, A Bibliography of First Printings of the Writings of Edgar Allan Poe (Hattiesburg, 1943), p. 261, list two doubtful items as reviews by Poe, under Jan. and Dec., the second being a treatment of Cooper's Ned Myers. See also William Doyle Hull II, “Canon of the Critical Works of Edgar Allan Poe” (disc., University of Virginia, 1941), p. 187, for the assertion that Poe contributed nothing between 1837 and 1845. Poe's use of the old title “Lieutenant” for Maury in the tale also argues against any active acquaintance of the two men.

33. The sentence, to which Professor Mabbott first called my attention, was added to the text after the edition of 1817; see the 12th edition (London, 1841), p. 104. Poe's knowledge of Disraeli's work is proved in the twenty-five items indicated in Earl L. Griggs, “Five Sources of ... Poe's Tinakidia;” American Literature, 1 (May, 1929), 196-199. See also n. 2 above.

34. For the Zanoni review, wrongly collected by Harrison, 11.115-123, see Poe's disclaimer in Ostrom, 1.202.

35. The use of the Athenaeum Library is asserted by Killis Campbell, “Poe's Reading,” University of Texas Studies in English, no. 5 (1925), pp. 166-196, n. 7. The Peabody Institute graciously sent me the Athenaeum Catalogue (Baltimore, 1827), listing Davy's Elements.

36. Thomas Hall, “Poe's Use of a Source,” Poe Newsletter, 1 (Oct., 1968), 28. [page 282:]

37. Another Davy reference by Poe appears in the Broadway Journal of June 7, 1845 (1.363) — Poe's review of Lives of Men of Letters and Science who flourished in the time of George III by Brougham. Although uncollected by Harrison, this item is confirmed by Hull, “Canon of the Critical Works,” p. 614, as “probably” by Poe.

38. Broadway Journal, 2.375. This item is confirmed by the attribution to Poe in Hull, “Canon of the Critical Works,” p. 689.

39. North American Review, 60 (1845), 156-195. Significantly, all but two pages are devoted to Draper's work.

40. New-York Mirror, 1, no. 17 (Feb. 1, 1845), 268. Hull, pp. 455-456, reports its appearance in the Daily [[Evening Mirror of Jan. 20, 1845, 1.268. The item has not been collected. See Allen, Israfel, pp. 494-495, for Poe's employment as a “mechanical paragraphist.”

41. Thomas O. Mabbott, “Letters from Eveleth to Poe,” in the New York Public Library Bulletin, 26 (Mar., 1922), 174-191, and James Southall Wilson, “The Letters of Edgar A. Poe to George W. Eveleth,” in Alumni Bulletin, University of Virginia, 3rd Series, 17 (Jan., 1924), 35-56. See Ostrom's note, 2.517.

42. For the letter see Harrison, 17.346-347. Wilson, p. 38. See also John Carl Miller, J. H. Ingram's Poe Collection at the University of Virginia (Charlottesville, 1960), p. 37, item #119: a letter of Mrs. Whitman to Ingram, in 1874, accusing Griswold of having “fabricated the letter.” Poe knew that Eveleth was a Marylander, she asserts, but none of Poe's letters, sent to Eveleth in Brunswick or Phillips, Maine, mentions this idea.

43. Preface to Eureka (Harrison, 16.183) and Quinn, Poe, p. 541.

44. Mabbott, “Letters from Eveleth,” pp. 190-191.

45. For the letter see Wilson, p. 56 and Ostrom, 2.449; for the Eureka reference see Harrison, 16.189-197, where, however, “Hog” is introduced as “the Ettrick shepherd,” i.e., James Hogg, and seems not to allude to Draper at all.

46. Mabbott, “Letters from Eveleth,” p. 180.

47. For Draper's position and contributions see Donald Fleming, John William Draper and the Religion of Science (Philadelphia, 1950), especially chap. iv, “The American Davy.” At New York University, as professor of chemistry and botany, he helped to found the medical school in 1841. By 1847 he had edited or produced four widely circulated texts in science. [page 283:]

48. See Ernest Marchand, “Poe as a Social Critic,” in American Literature, 6 (Mar., 1934), 28-34; Margaret Alterton and Hardin Craig, Edgar Allan Poe: Representative Selections (New York, 1935), pp. lxvii-lxxii; Killis Campbell, “Poe's Treatment of the Negro and Negro Dialect,” University of Texas Studies in English, no. 16 (1936), pp. 107-114; and Sidney Kaplan, “Introduction,” to The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym (New York, 1960).

49. See Edith Birkhead, The Tale of Terror (London, 1931), chap. vi, “Godwin and the Rosicrucian Novel,” pp. 100-127. By 1849 the following editions of St. Leon had been printed: London — 1799, 1800, 1816, 1831, 1839, 1849; Dublin-1800; Paris-1799, 1800; Hamburg-1800; Alexandria, Virginia-1801, 1802.

50. See St. Leon (London, 1831), pp. 214-247, 250-253, 400, 415, 449-478.

51. Lives of the Necromancers (London, 1834), pp. 29, 31, 3536, 277-278, 283-284. As an indication of the early association of the Rosicrucian group with gold-making see Gabriel Naude's Instruction ... sur la verite des freres de la Rose-Croix, 1623, in Dictionnaire Infernel (Brussels, 1845), p. 378. For Poe's general admiration of Godwin, see chap. vii above.

52. They are specified in my Dictionary of Names and Titles, p. 106.

53. See DAB, 17.161-162.

54. Feb. 11, 1848. Quinn, Poe, pp. 539-541, also gives a paragraph from the Home Journal, reprinted by the Courier.

55. Poe's error of “lieden” for leiden, as printed in the Flag of Our Union, 4 (Apr. 14, 1849), 2, is retained by Griswold and corrected by Harrison, as indicated in Harrison, 6.297, and reprinted in Quinn and O’Neill, Complete Poems and Stories, 2.704.

56. Ostrom, 2.433; see also, 2.450.

57. Quinn and O’Neill, Complete Poems and Stories, 2.1071, show the previous printings.

58. See, for example, the episode involving the daguerreotype taken in Providence, Nov. 8, 1848, and the picture itself in Hervey Allen, Israfel, pp. 622-623.

59. See Allen, Israfel, pp. 618-629, and Quinn, Poe, pp. 572-587. Quinn denies any marked deterioration in Poe at this period, pp. 568-571.

60. Only Mary E. Phillips, Poe, 2.1393-1394, connects the event [page 284:] and the story. She comments that the “six years” might easily have been six weeks since he left the Providence hostelry, but her conjecture of a real Von Kempelen bound for California seems untenable.

61. By coincidence Sarah Helen Whitman used the words, “public notoriety,” for the affair in a letter that she wrote to Griswold on Dec. 12, 1849, given by H. P. Vincent, American Literature, 13 (May, 1941), 162-167.

62. There is a peculiar fitness in Poe's writing in the prefatory “Letter to B—“ in his West Point Poems of 1831: “Delicacy is the poet's own kingdom — his El Dorado” (Harrison, 7.xxxix). Eldorado is used for a dream world of soothing death also in “Dream-Land” of 1844, which Poe called one of his “best” poems in a letter to Lowell (Ostrom, 1.258).

NOTES TO CHAPTER 11

1. This chapter was aided by travel grants from the American Philosophical Society and the American Council of Learned Societies and by the kind permission of Lord Abinger to consult his Godwin manuscripts at Bures. Notes and Queries, 1st ser., 5 (Apr. 10, 1852), 354, indicates that the original inscription was “Miserimus,” renewed after 1820 with a corrected spelling.

2. The DNB article on Thomas Morris refers to sonnets on “Miserrimus” published by Edwin Lees in 1828 and by Henry Martin in Sonnets and Miscellaneous Pieces (Birmingham, 1830), q.v. in n. 4 below. Lees edited the Worcestershire Miscellany (1829), but I have been unable to find the publication in which his sonnet appeared. There is no indication that Wordsworth or Reynolds ever knew about these two sonnets.

3. See The Letters of William and Dorothy Wordsworth (Oxford, 1939), 3.283-284, 293-294, 337, and 344; this text is hereafter indicated in my chapter as “Letters.” Wordsworth apparently had a keen interest in epitaphs; see his “Essay upon Epitaphs,” published in Coleridge's Friend, of Feb., 1810, and many poems, such as “Epitaphs, Translated from Chibrera” (1810), “Rob Roy's Grave” (1803), “Cenotaph” (1824), “Epitaph in the Chapel-Yard [page 285:] of Langdale” (1824), “Elegiac Musings” (1830), “A Place of Burial” (1831), “By a Best Husband Guided” (1835), and “Inscription for a Monument” (1843).

4. The Keepsake of 1829 (London, 1828), p. 156. Because the publication date antedates that in the title, most editors wrongly attribute this sonnet to 1829; e.g., Poetical Works (Oxford, 1946), 3.48, and The Shorter Poems of William Wordsworth (London, 1907), p. 509. The first edition of the collected poetical works (Longman et al., London, 1832), 2.197, wrongly printed a capital h for “he” in line 10, an error preserved in all subsequent editions, with marked injury to the meaning. Not having found a single example of Henry Martin's book of 1830 in the United States (see n. 2 above), I offer my transcription from the British Museum copy. The phrase “wretched one” and Martin's note, on p. 69, specifying Thomas Morris as “Miserrimus” suggest that he is tacitly correcting Wordsworth's misconception of 1828.

Miserrimus / An Inscription in Worcester Cathedral

5. In 1826, Aug. 23; in 1827, Feb. 26 and 29, Mar. 1, Apr. 7, June 30, Sept. 9; in 1829, June 7, Sept. 29, Nov. 18 and 22; in 1830, Jan. 10, Feb. 9 and 10; in 1831, Mar. 12, 16, and 23; May 26, Sept. 13, and Oct. 12; in 1832, Sept. 28, Dec. 18 and 26; in 1833, Jan. 3 and 6, June 3-15, reading Reynolds's second novel, [page 286:] Coquette, meeting him July 6 and 16 and Aug. 16; in 1834, Godwin lists for Sept. 6: “Miserrimus, pp. 201.”

6. The Court Journal, no. 193 (Jan. 5, 1833), p. 13; The Metropolitan Magazine, 6 (Apr., 1833), 84. See also the laudatory review in The London Literary Gazette, no. 829 (Dec. 8, 1832), pp. 803804. Brief excerpts from other British journals are furnished in the 1836 American edition, pp. 1 and 11, presumably copied from the first 1833 London edition. Richard R. Madden, The Literary Life and Correspondence of the Countess of Blessington (New York, 1855), 2.338, indicates that Reynolds owed his literary celebrity to Miserrimus.

7. The Gentleman's Magazine, 103 (Mar., 1833), 245. In the same note to Miserrimus, Reynolds indicates his debt for the idea to Wordsworth, a fact recorded also in Notes and Queries, 5th ser., 11 (May 31, 1879), 432.

8. The Parricide (Philadelphia, 1836), pp. 3-6.

9. For Poe's references see James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 16.62-63, and 13.9195; to this edition future references in the text will be made as “Harrison” or merely by volume and page numbers. The DNB alone indicates this reissue of The Parricide, by G. W. M. Reynolds, without date; neither the British Museum Catalogue nor the English Catalogue lists it. In the copy owned by the New York Public Library, the preface is dated 1847, with an obscured title-page date, but the first printing of this production of the Reynolds's Miscellany office may have been earlier.

10. For the publication dates of both in 1849 and 1850 see Harrison, 7.218-219 and 222.

11. Martin Faber (New York, 1837), “Advertisement,” pp. v-xii. It should be possible to check on the question of the derivation of Martin Faber now that a copy of the Nov., 1829 issue of the Pleiades and Southern Literary Gazette containing the short story has at last been found; the discovery and announcement of its forthcoming publication in the centennial edition of Simms's works are given as a postscript in John C. Guilds, “William Gilmore Simms and the Southern Literary Gazette,” Studies in Bibliography, 21 (1968), 59-62.

12. R. W. Griswold, Passages from the Correspondence (Cambridge, [page 287:] Mass., 1898, p. 81; see also The Letters of William Gilmore Simms (Columbia, S. C., 1953), 2.223.

13. Griswold, The Literati, Marginalia, Suggestions, and Essays (New York 1850, p. xxxiii. But see Griswold's high praise of Laughton Osborn's Confessions of a Poet in his Prose Writers of America, 4th ed., (Philadelphia, 1852), p. 32.

14. Harrison, 16.151-152. Griswold also overlooked Poe's truly extravagant praise of Osborn's attack on his critics in Mar., 1849 (Harrison, 13.165-168).

15. The letter was given by George E. Woodberry in The Life of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 2.345-347.

16. In his biography of Poe, Woodberry does not follow his own suggestion made in The Works of Edgar Allan Poe (Chicago, 1905), 5.355-356 (“Notes”), in which he asserts: “J. N. Reynolds was an acquaintance of Poe.” The hint is taken up by Mary E. Phillips, Edgar Allan Poe (Philadelphia, 1926), 2.1505; as a possibility by Arthur H. Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941, p. 640; by Frances Winwar, The Haunted Palace (New York, 1959), p. 376; and by Hervey Allen, Israfel (2nd printing, New York, 1934), pp. 337 and 674.

17. Aubrey Starke, “Poe's Friend Reynolds,” American Literature, 11 (May, 1939), 152-159; and Robert F. Almy, “J. N. Reynolds: a Brief Biography,” Colophon, n.s. 2 (Winter, 1937), 227-245.

18. See Robert L. Rhea's “Some Observations on Poe's Origins,” University of Texas Studies in English, no. 10 (July, 1930), pp, 135-146, which shows some parallels with the speech but chiefly with Morrell's Narrative of Four Voyages. For “Another Source” see K. Huntress, American Literature, 16 (Mar., 1944), 19-24. For Poe's references see Harrison, 3.167-170.

19. The 1843 item was not collected by Harrison; perhaps for that reason John W. Ostrom in The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, 1948), 1.272-273, believed that the two-page “review of Reynolds” mentioned in Poe's 1845 letter to George R. Graham was not published. It appeared in Graham's Magazine, 23 (Sept., 1843), 164-165, to which I was led through the gracious suggestion of Thomas O. Mabbott. Starke refers to it, although Almy either missed the item or saw no reason to mention it. The Columbia Spy item is collected in Doings of Gotham, ed. T. O. Mabbott (Pottsville, Penn., 1929), pp. 49-50. [page 288:]

20. Given by Harrison, 1.332. He also cites the examination made by Mr. Spencer in the New York Herald, Mar. 27, 1881, of Dr. Moran's account of the death in the same paper on Oct. 28, 1875, 1.328-332. Moran's account is given in the Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1884), 1.cxvi-cxxiv.

21. Street addresses are given, and something might be gained from tracing proximity to the hospital. Most of the names are those of humble artisans and shopkeepers out of the social class of Neilson Poe. Moran eliminates all mention of Reynolds, including the death call, in his Official Account of His Death of 1885. For Henry R. Reynolds see Edward Wagenknecht, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1963), p. 229, n. 7.

22. For the whole course of Poe's relations with Griswold see Killis Campbell, The Mind of Poe (New York, 1962, reprint), pp. 63-98, and Quinn, Poe, chap. xx, pp. 642-695.

23. Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 45 (Sept., 1872), 557-568, specifically, p. 565. The later addition to the story is in Stoddard's Recollections, Personal and Literary (New York, 1903), p. 151.

24. Stoddard, Recollections, pp. 146-151, and also told in his memoir in Select Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1880), pp. cxii-cxv. See Woodberry, Life of Poe, 2.446-447, for other articles on Poe by Stoddard.

25. “Edgar Allan Poe,” The National Magazine, 2 (Mar., 1853), 193-200.

26. Ibid., p. 200. For Stoddard's habit of concluding critical surveys of authors’ accomplishments with a poem see his “stories of unhappy lives,” as his preface calls the articles in Under the Evening Lamp (New York, 1892), pp. 45, 89, 104, 117, 133, 148, 163, 199, 212, 224, 243, and 283.

27. Stoddard, The King's Ball (New York, 1863), p. 71, seems to be deriving a situation and language from the Worcester Cathedral gravestone; the dying King Felix, sinful and penitent, talks to his son:

28. Songs of Summer (Boston, 1867), pp. 145-146, and Poems of Richard Henry Stoddard (New York, 1880), pp. 126-127.

29. In Stoddard's Poems (Boston, 1852), for echoes of Keats see “To a Nightingale,” pp. 119-120; “The South,” pp. 74-76; and “Ode,” pp. 33-36; and in Poems (New York, 1880), see “Hymn to Flora,” pp. 11-17, and “Autumn,” pp. 127-129.

30. Recollections, pp. 145, 152, and 154.

31. Oliver Leigh, Edgar Allan Poe (Chicago, 1906), p. 54.

32. The Poe Cult (New York, 1909), pp. 135-139.

33. Edgar Poe and His Critics, 2nd ed. (Providence, 1885), p. 18.

34. The Life of Poe (London, 1880), 2.294. Scribner's Monthly, 14 (Oct., 1877), 859-860, in a review of William F’. Gill's Life of Poe cites the Englishman James Hannay's reference to Stoddard as a “pious scribbler” for his “Miserrimus” contumely.

35. This fact is given in Woodberry, Life of Poe, 2.448.

36. See The Works of Poe (1884), 1.cxxx-clv.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 12

1. Edward H. Davidson, ed., Selected Writings of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1956), p. 500; see also Eric W. Carlson, ed., Introduction to Poe (Glenview, Ill, 1967), p. 574: “undoubtedly Poe's greatest story.”

2. The text for the tale is that of James A. Harrison, ed., The Complete Works of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1902), 3.273-297; to this edition all references will be made under “Harrison” or simply by volume and page numbers. For the various works cited by Poe, chiefly on p. 287, see the annotations in my Dictionary of Names and Titles in Poe's Collected Works (New York, 1968), under each title as given originally by Poe.

3. Thomas Ollive Mabbott, ed., Selected Poetry and Prose of Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1952), p. 419.

4. Professor Mabbott's note, p. 418, that all the recherche works cited by Poe “concern in one way or another the idea that spirit is present even in inanimate things, and that the world, or macrocosm, has relations to the microcosm, man” is rather questionable in application to Vert Vert (for Poe's “Vertvert”); this is the tale of a [page 290:] parrot from a convent, which learns profane language and is then punished, reformed, and finally killed with kindness.

5. Although Poe was a very careless speller, I assume that he deliberately changed “tryst” to “trist” for its “uncouth effect,” without necessarily knowing that it was indeed an obsolete form of the word.

6. For other instances of this “veneer” see “King Pest” (Harrison, 2.168-184; “Unease the varlet” in the early form of “The Masque of the Red Death” (4.319); and several phrases in “Politian” (7.59-79).

7. E.g., I find a long article in the Paris Figaro, 5, no. 16 (Jan., 1830), 1-2, on Lucretia Maria Davidson's “melancholy genius” and “rare, native gifts.”

8. Harrison, 10.174-178, specifically, p. 174.

9. Harrison, 10.223. Perhaps Poe derived his phrase “the nap-thaline river” (Harrison, 7.112) from a similar phrase in Amir Khan (New York, 1829), p. 9.

10. Harrison, 10.221-226. Poe's information about Southey's frenzied defense of Chatterton's family, here mentioned, does not come from the prefaces to the two works on the Davidson sisters which Poe reviewed in Aug. and Dec., 1841.

11. The second edition, published also in 1786, contains 341 pages, of which pp. 140-276 are devoted to Letter 51, drawn from the Chatterton manuscript papers.

12. My facts are taken from Gilbert Burgess, The Loveletters of Mr. H and Miss R (Chicago, 1895), Introduction, pp. v-xvi.

13. Robert Southey, Monthly Magazine, 8 (Nov., 1799), 770-772.

14. Sir Herbert Croft, Gentleman's Magazine, 70 (Feb., 1800), 99-104; 70 (Mar., 1800), 222-226; 70 (Apr., 1800), 322-325.

15. Monthly Magazine, 9 (Apr., 1800), 253.

16. Joseph Cottle, Reminiscences of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (New York, 1847), pp. 109-111, specifies £300 as the sum. The Monthly Magazine 15 (July, 1803), 636, briefly reviews the work and tells of Southey's generous aims.

17. Croft, Love and Madness, 2nd ed., pp. 154 and 188.

18. Ibid., p. 37.

19. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 2.84.

20. For Poe's use of Coleridge's book, see Palmer C. Holt, American [page 291:] Literature, 34 (Mar., 1962), 8-30, but Holt misses the point that Robins was falsely credited with Anson's Voyage; the “catalogue” of ships is in Homer, not in the modern work, to which Holt makes, I believe, an irrelevant reference.

21. Croft, Love and Madness, p. 252.

22. Poems (London, 1833), pp. 8-19.

23. Poems (London, 1842), pp. 4-18 and 206-208. Poe must have known the Ticknor reprint (Boston, 1842 and 1843).

24. For the identification of Poe himself as the knight of “Eldorado” see chap. x. Ideas which are parallel in both Poe and Tennyson's “Lady of Shalott,” Part III, are the “bold” knight, his singing a song, contrasting imagery of “sunshine” and night or “shadow,” an unspecified mission, and a similar pattern of rhyme.

25. John Ward Ostrom, ed., The Letters of Edgar Allan Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), 1.253; future references to this work will be made under “Ostrom.”

26. Harrison, 8.309. Similarly, see Poe's review of Bryant's poems in the Jan., 1837 Messenger (Harrison, 9.304), and of Longfellow's Voices in the Night (Harrison, 10.78-80).

27. Harrison, 11.175-176, 16.28, and 12.180-184.

28. E.g., see his letter to F. W. Thomas of May 25, 1842, thus designating Graham's (Ostrom, 1.197); also his letter of Aug. 7, 1849, to Patterson (Ostrom, 2.457).

29. Lewis P. Simpson, “Touching ‘The Stylus’: Notes on Poe's Vision of Literary Order,” Louisiana State University Studies in American Literature, no. 8 (1960), pp. 33-48 and 164-165.

30. For a very brief account of Poe's efforts on behalf of the two projected magazines, see Bernard Kogan, Southern Literary Messenger, 2 (Aug., 1940), 442-445.

31. Arthur H. Quinn, Edgar Allan Poe (New York, 1941), pp. 375-376. Floyd Stovall, ed., The Poems of Edgar Alan Poe (Charlottesville, 1965), makes no mention of the motto.

32. It is printed by George E. Woodberry, Life of Edgar Allan Poe (Boston, 1909), 1.271-275, with the date of Jan. 1. 1841. Except for minor aspects of spelling, punctuation, and one paragraph indentation, it is identical with the reprint in Quinn, Poe, pp. 306 — :308, taken from the Philadelphia Saturday Courier, 10 (June 13, 1840), 2. Hervey Allen, Israfel (New York, 1926; reprint of 1934), pp. 375-376 reprints Woodberry's text. [page 292:]

33. See Poe's letters to J. E. Snodgrass and F. W. Thomas in the fall of 1841 on Graham's financing The Penn (Ostrom, 1.183-185).

34. Mary E. Phillips, Edgar Allan Poe — The Man (Philadelphia, 1926), 1.292-293; Allen, Israfel, p. 163; Quinn, Poe, p. 116.

35. Quinn, Poe [[,]] p. 119.

36. The anecdote is given by Gabriel Harrison, actor-artist and, at that time, storekeeper, in the New York Times, Mar. 4, 1899, p. 144, from which account Allen, Israfel, pp. 500-501, gives it. Mary E. Phillips, Poe, 2.927 and 2.1645, cites an earlier account by Harrison in the Brooklyn Eagle of Nova 18, 1875, Vol. XXXVI, no. 273, in which she spells as “Thaddeus K. Peasley,” Harrison's designation of “Peasly,” which differs from the “Perley” of his second article. In the Brooklyn Eagle, Harrison mentions a correspondence of “The White Eagle” with the “The Star-Spangled Banner” in “measure and time.” Professor Mabbott, I recall, once suggested that “Perley” came from Poe's knowledge of Home Tooke's Diversions of Purley, mentioned early (Harrison, 9.105).

37. In his headnote to Wilmer's “Recollections of Edgar A. Poe,” given in Merlin, Baltimore, 1827; together with Recollections of Edgar A. Poe by Lambert A. Wilmer (New York, 1941), p. 28, Professor Mabbott traces E. S. T. Grey to Disraeli's Vivian Grey, one of Poe's favorite novels.

38. Quinn, Poe, pp. 757-761; see my note on the subject in The Scriblerian, 1 (Apr., 1969), 30-31.

39. The American Review. A Whig Journal of Politics, Literature and Science, 1 (Feb., 1845), 143-145. For the accompanying head-note see Harrison, 7.210-211. Only this printing bore the name “Quarles.”

40. Phillips, Poe, 1.718-738.

41. For a listing, see my Dictionary, p. 8.

42. Harrison, 12.36, 158, 177; and 15.64.

43. See the Poe Dictionary entries under Bulwer, p. 15, and my tracing of “Tell-Tale Heart” to a Bulwer tale, American Notes and Queries, 4 (Sept., 1965), 7-9.

44. For further sources in Bulwer of Poe's tales, see Killis Campbell, The Mind of Poe (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), pp. 162-163 and 170. Since the pseudonym was used for the tales as a kind of set when republished in the 1845 Broadway Journal, it is also possible that Poe was mindful of “The Luck of Barry Lyndon,” a series published [page 293:] in the 1844 Fraser's Magazine by Thackeray under the pseudonym of editor “Fitz-Boodle.”

45. My text is that of the Saturday Museum, Vol. I, no. 13 (Mar. 4, 1843). I wish to express my gratitude to Dean Walter A. Sedelow of the Library School of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, for providing me with a facsimile reproduction of page 1, containing the long biography of Poe, and of the prospectus of The Stylus on p. 3. Dudley Hutcherson, “The Philadelphia Saturday Museum Text of Poe's Poems,” American Literature, 5 (Mar., 1933), 36-48, unaware of the North Carolina holding, mentions using the copy in the University of Virginia — the only other complete issue known — for his discussion of the text of the many poems cited by Poe in the biography. Hutcherson observes that this sketch was first printed on Feb. 25, 1843 (see also Ostrom, 1.223). Since the top of column 3 alludes to the prospectus on “another page” it is clear that it was printed at least once in February and once in March. Donna Setzer, of the University of North Carolina Library, has kindly searched the Mar. 18 and Apr. 1 issues, to report no trace of the prospectus. Having probably used the University of Virginia copy, Quinn printed portions of the prospectus of 1843, with a few liberties of wording and punctuation, chiefly in italics (Poe, pp. 375-376). He reduces the seven paragraphs of the body to five, the most serious omissions being paragraph 2 and paragraph 4; the less important paragraphs of the postscript are also omitted.

46. See, e.g., Sidney P. Moss, Poe's Literary Battles (Durham, 1963); see also Mary E. Phillips, Poe, 2.1370-1371 for the reproduction of F. O. C. Darley's silhouette of Poe as “our literary Mohawk,” illustrating the satire “A Mirror for Authors” by “Motley Manners” in the Jan., 1849 issue of Holden's Dollar Magazine.

47. Lewis P. Simpson, in “Touching the Stylus,” earnestly presents Poe's claim to defend the budding “republic of letters,” and only in his final two paragraphs does he doubt Poe's temperamental fitness and America's cultural readiness for such an organ.

48. It was also known as a classical Latin phrase; see Christy, Roman Maxims and Phrases of All Ages (New York, 1903), 2.119: “He writes with an iron pen” (given only in English translation).

49. Horace Binney Wallace, Stanley (Philadelphia, 1838), 1.51: “ ‘It was the stern sincerity of an honest freedom,’ said I, ‘the consciousness that he battled singly for the right — that with a magic [page 294:] transformation made the pen of Pope, as Paulus Jovius said of his own, sometimes a pen of gold and sometimes a pen of iron. ... Buying no voices and leaguing with no confederates, he stretched forth his hand in the name of Truth, and with that name he wrought his miracles.’ ” See my text below for Poe's use of the hand image and chap. ix, n. 31 above for Poe's debt to Wallace.

50. Michaud, Biographic Universelle (Paris, 1856), 16. 515, says that he frankly admits his two pens, and as for his venality, “Il ne se defend pas lui-meme dans ses lettres.”

51. Grand Dictionnaire Universel du XIXe Siecle (Paris, n.d.), 9.1058, in connection with his loss under Henry II of a pension given him by Francis I, states that “he did not fear to avow immediately that he had two pens,” etc. The source given — Brantome's Les Vies des Grands Capitaines du Siecle Dernier — does not seem to show it.

52. Bayle, Dictionnaire, Historique et critique (reprint of Paris, 1820), 8.398-408, specifically, p. 401; however, Bayle's stated source, de Thou, Histoire Universelle, speaks only of Jovius's crass partiality.

53. Alexander Chalmers, The General Biographical Dictionary (London, 1815), 19.170-172.

54. Thomas, Universal Pronouncing Dictionary of Biography and Mythology, 5th ed. (Philadelphia, 1930), p. 1121.

55. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., 15.527.

56. English Bards, lines 6-9. Byron had borrowed the “gray goose-quill” from Pope's Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot — not Poe's source, I believe. Poe was probably also unfamiliar with Alfred de Vigny's lines in Livre Moderne: L’Esprit pur, I: “Si l’orgueil prend ton coeur quand le peuple me nomme, / Que de mes livres seuls to vienne to fierte. / J’ai mis sur le cimier dore du gentilhomme / Une plume de fer qui n’est pas sans beaute” (1837). These seem to reflect Jovius's statement.

57. See John W. Robertson, Commentary on the Bibliography of Edgar A. Poe (San Francisco: Russian Hill Private Press, 1934), page facing 277. Robertson notes, at the bottom, that his facsimile reprint is “from a unique copy formerly in the possession of the author.” Presumably Mary Phillips, 2.1252, without giving the provenance of the document, alludes to this copy in her brief citations.

58. My gratitude is owed to David A. Randall and Josiah Q. Bennett of the Lilly Library of Indiana University for a facsimile copy of the Apr. version, sent by Poe on Feb. 29, 1848, in a letter. The lower right-hand corner has been torn and remargined, as my bracketed completions indicate.

59. There were at least four prospectus versions and probably others for The Penn magazine, as noted above. Since those of Jan. and Apr., 1848, are very similar, I regard them all as consisting basically of three versions. The differences of the Jan., 1848 text from that of Apr. are given below according to the paragraphs in Robertson's reprint:

60. Mary Phillips, 2.1252, confirms me in this assumption concerning Anthon.

61. The title page, used as my frontispiece, is given by Eugene Field in Some Letters of Edgar Allan Poe to E. H. N. Patterson (Chicago, 1898), opposite p. 16, with this note on p. 22: “This drawing, an exact facsimile of which appears in its proper place, is made with black ink upon pink paper. The vignette, clipped from the prospectus of the Stylus (... 1843), is pasted upon the sheet.” This is manifestly in error, as Poe's letter of May 23, 1849, indicates (Ostrom, 2.443). Field does not indicate the provenance of his page. Mary Phillips, Poe, 2.1405, reprints the page from Field's work. The same design, with printing alterations only, seems to be included by Allen, Israfel, facing p. 588, with an attribution: “Courtesy W. Van R. Whitall, Esq., of Pelham, New York.”