∞∞∞∞∞∞∞
2. Evert A. Duyckinck
Evert Augustus Duyckinck (1816-1878), whose Dutch ancestors were among the early settlers of New Amsterdam, was the son of a prominent publisher and bookseller of New York. Following his graduation from Columbia College in 1835 he studied law for two years; he won his admission to the bar but did not practice. In 1837 his articles on English authors were appearing in the New York Review, and for the American Monthly Magazine he was writing lighter essays which he signed “Felix Merry.” In the fall of 1838 he began a tour of Europe, and shortly after his return [page 87:] a year later he married Margaret Wolfe Panton and established permanent residence in New York.
In December, 1840, Duyckinck and Cornelius Mathews issued the first number of the Arcturus, a monthly magazine which they continued through three volumes. His criticism here and his occasional contributions to other periodicals established Duyckinck as a leading figure of “Young America,” an informal literary group with a liberal philosophy which encouraged social reform and the expression of democratic ideals in literature. He served as literary advisor to the publishers Wiley and Putnam, selecting for them the works which appeared in the “Library of Choice Reading” and the “Library of American Books.” In February, 1847, Duyckinck became the first editor of the weekly Literary World. A misunderstanding with the publisher resulted, four months later, in his replacement by Charles Fenno Hoffman, but in October, 1848, Duyckinck and his younger brother, George Long Duyckinck, purchased the magazine, which they conducted jointly until it expired in December, 1853. Another result of the collaboration of the brothers was the Cyclopaedia of American Literature (1855), to which Evert added a supplement in 1866.
Duyckinck wrote memorial tributes to Washington Irving (1860), Francis L. Hawks (1867), and Fitz-Greene Halleck (1877), and biographical sketches for the National Portrait Gallery of Eminent Americans (1862). He edited Thackeray's The Confessions of Fitz-Boodle, and Some Passages in the Life of Major Gahagan (1852), the Yellowplush Papers (1852), The Wit and Wisdom of Sydney Smith (1856), and Freneau's Poems Relating to the American [page 88:] Revolution (1865). At the time of his death he was assisting Bryant with an edition of Shakespeare.
An associate of Simms and Melville's sponsor in the New York circle of authors, Duyckinck was a personal friend of many of the prominent writers and literary aspirants of the time, to whom he lent generously from his excellent library. For years the basement of his home at 20 Clinton Place was the scene of Saturday night suppers at which he entertained small, select groups. A retiring and mild-mannered scholar, he “preferred the quiet of his books and the companionship of their authors to the stir of active life and the social intercourse of the world ... ”(1)
In the five years of their acquaintance, Duyckinck became aware of Poe's virtues and failings both as a man and an author. Perhaps because they never became warm friends, he was able to [page 89:] regard Poe with an objectivity unusual among the New York literati; he appears to have been equally reluctant to praise unduly or to condemn unjustly. The many occasions on which he was of assistance to Poe indicate that the personal relationship of the two was amicable. If, as it appears, he was misled by Griswold's forgeries to think harshly of Poe after the poet's death, his final estimate of his former friend was sane and sympathetic
Since Duyckinck's first volume did not appear until 1852, Poe had little occasion to refer to him in his critical writings, and, consequently, it is difficult to determine when Poe became aware of Duyckinck as a man of letters. In Graham's for February, 1842, however, in the course of a stinging review of Cornelius Mathews’ Wakondah, he referred to the Arcturus as “one of the very best journals in the country.”(2) Presumably it was Duyckinck who, in the Arcturus for the following May, commented favorably upon Poe's critical acumen:
Mr. Poe, editor of Graham's Magazine, has lately written several elaborate criticisms in that periodical which are richly deserving of attention. He is somewhat over literal and minute, looking oftener to the letter than the spirit; but in the full examination of a book, we know of no one who will take the same pains. His recent review of Barnaby Rudge is a masterpiece of ingenuity.(3)
The personal acquaintance of Poe and Duyckinck apparently [page 90:] began early in 1845, perhaps not long after January 17, when Duyckinck wrote to Poe as follows:
To Edgar A Poe Esq
Dr Sir,
This is a world of presumption. I first presumed, mentally, that you were the author of the Barrett criticism in [the] Broadway Journal. I then presumed, morally, or rather immorally to say so in print. And I am pleasantly punished for my sins by a complimentary fillip — if I presume rightly again — from Mr Poe, in the Evening Mirror. But he has mistaken the Tribune for the Morning News which E A D regrets as there are excellent anonymous literary articles in the former paper (said to be written by Miss S M Fuller and W.E Channing) which he may unjustly get the credit of. Will Mr Poe take the trouble to correct the matter by stating Morning News for Tribune.
I enclose you the Weekly News which contains a few matter of fact paragraphs on the ‘Waif’ that may serve as a prose foot note to your subtle criticism of the same volume.
Yours respectfully
E A D.(4)
In the Mirror for February 7 Poe again complimented Duyckinck, whom, in awarding high praise to a recent article by him in the American Review, as described as “a gentleman who never does [page 91:] otherwise than well.”(5) Apparently the relationship was one of mutual respect. “I am glad that you think and speak well of Poe,”(6) wrote Simms to Duyckinck on March 15.
But despite its auspicious beginning, the Poe-Duyckinck relationship never reached the plane of cordiality. On January 25, 1875, twenty-five years after Poe's death, Duyckinck wrote to James Wood Davidson concerning his association with the poet:
My personal acquaintance with Mr. Poe was almost entirely of a purely business literary character. He furnished a collection of his ‘Poems” and a selection of the ‘Tales’ in Wiley & Putnam's American Library of Choice Reading, of which I was editor. In the intercourse growing out of this I always found him a polished, courteous gentleman, refined and fastidious in his manners. I was not intimate with him nor did I see him very often.(7)
Poe's Tales appeared in June, 1845. In a letter to Philip P. Cooke, August 9, 1846, he expressed his dissatisfaction with Duyckinck's choices:
The last selection of my Tales was made from about 70, by Wiley & Putnam's reader, Duyckinck. He has what he thinks a taste for ratiocination, and has accordingly made up the book mostly of analytic stories. But this is not representing my mind in its various phases — it is not giving me fair play. In writing these Tales one by one, at long intervals, I have kept the book-unity always in mind — that is, each has been composed with reference to its effect as a part of a whole. In this view, one of my [page 92:] chief aims has been the widest diversity of subject, thought, & especially tone & manner of handling.(8)
To a reviewer in ‘Washington, D. C., Duyckinck gave his impression of the volume: “Poe's Tales are worthy of your comment. It is only to the first class of critics that he can look for any notice at all, for, like a man of genius he spins his thread too fine for common readers.”(9) Duyckinck also made arrangements for the publication of The Raven and Other Poems, which appeared in November, but in this case Poe appears to have made his own selections.(10)
Duyckinck's two contributions to the Broadway Journal, an appraisal of William A. Jones(11), and an article entitled “Barbarities of the Theatre,”(12) appeared before Poe became formally associated with the periodical. The latter is important as the probable source for Poe's “Hop-Frog.”(13)
When Poe wrote to Duyckinck, it was usually to ask a favor, [page 93:] and such requests were frequent in 1845 and 1846. On June 26, 1845, Poe asked for an advance of fifty dollars on the faith of future publication, a transaction which Duyckinck arranged.(14) On November 13, in his effort to keep the Broadway Journal alive, he requested an immediate settlement of his account with Wiley and Putnam,(15) and on December 10 he sought Duyckinck he sought Duyckinck's assistance is getting an article by Mrs. Ellet published in the Morning News.(16) Duyckinck apparently was unable to sell for fifty dollars the copyright of a projected new volume of tales, as Poe asked on January 8, 1846,(17) and it is not known whether he complied with Poe's request for personal data on various literary figures, presumably to be used in the “Literati” articles.(18) On April 28 Poe applied to Duyckinck for aid in arranging for a newspaper announcement stating that he would be forced to decline the office of poet to which he had been elected by the literary societies of the University of Vermont.(19) Duyckinck seems to have read with approval Poe's reply to English before it was sent to Philadelphia to be published.(20) Without known result, Poe wrote [page 94:] Poe to Duyckinck on December 30, 1846, seeking favorable newspaper publicity for two of his tales.(21)
Poe seems to have borrowed freely from Duyckinck's library. Among Duyckinck's “Personal Memoranda” a list of “Books Lent” indicates that Poe borrowed the second volume of George Gilfillan's A Gallery of Literary Portraits, the three volumes of the Arcturus, James Lawson's Tales and Sketches of a Cosmopolite and Giordano, a Tragedy, Prosper Wetmore's poems, and the works of Washington Irving.(22) Poe is said to have been present at some of the Saturday night gatherings at Duyckinck's home,(23) but, though it does not seem unlikely that he received and accepted invitations to these affairs, direct evidence on this point is lacking.
Despite Duyckinck's apparent willingness to be of assistance, his opinion of Poe very probably declined after the early days of 1845. It was probably in reference to Poe's intemperance that Simms wrote to Duyckinck on August 8, 1845: “What you tell me of Poe distresses me. But, in his circumstances, & for such a man, it is difficult to devise anything, — unless it be to control his infirmities with a moral countenance which coerces while it soothes & seems to solicit. This should be the care of the [page 95:] circle in which he moves.”(24) Perhaps it was at this period that Duyckinck was prompted to observe: “There is Poe with coolness, immaculate personal cleanliness, sensitiveness, the gentleman, continually putting himself on a level with the lowest blackguard through a combination of moral, mental and physical drunkenness.”(25) Duyckinck had also been displeased by a blunt attack upon his friend William A. Jones in the Broadway Journal. Poe had described an article by Jones in the Democratic Review as “the composition of an imitator and a quack” and a disgrace to the magazine in which it appeared.(26) On September 25 Duyckinck wrote to Joel T. Headley that Poe's remarks constituted “so bad a specimen of the ‘onslaught’ in criticism ... that I cry out more than ever for the man who is not passion's or whim's or prejudice's man — for arguments before adjectives.”(27)
Poe's “Literati” sketch of Duyckinck combined favorable personal comment with praise for Duyckinck as a friend of American literature, as the author of the “Felix Merry” essays, and as an editor of the defunct Arcturus, “decidedly the very best magazine in many respects ever published in the United States.”(28) The [page 96:] paper contains some of the “ingenuity” and perhaps some of the “rigmarole” which Duyckinck saw in the series.(29) Much of the sketch deals, not with Poe's subject, but with matters suggested by it. Mention of Duyckinck's editorship of the “Library of Choice Reading” led Poe to a brief discussion of the lack of an international copyright law and of rival “libraries.” The remarks on the Arcturus include observations on the format of literary journals. Poe's failure, here and in others of the sketches,(30) to discuss specific compositions suggests that he was not always comfortably familiar with the writings of his subjects or needed works were sometimes not available to him.
Duyckinck, on the whole, was not favorably impressed by the “Literati” articles. In one of his notebooks he wrote that they were compounded of equal parts of “acute sense,” “wanton ingenuity,” and “sheer rigmarole.”(31) The sketch of Poe in the Cyclopedia of American Literature observes of the series: “With here and there a nice observation, the sketches of the Literati are careless papers, sometimes to be taken for nothing more than mere jest. Some of the longer critical papers are admirable.”(32)
After Poe's removal to Fordham in 1846, his contacts with Duyckinck apparently were less frequent. Under the date June [page 97:] 24, 1847, Duyckinck wrote in his diary:
With Mathews, visited Poe at Fordham whom the wondrous Mrs. Clem [sic] has domiciliated in a neat cottage near a rock over-looking the pretty valley with its St. John's College of Jesuits, contiguous hill and forest, the Sound and the blue distance of Long Island — the purity of the air, delicious. At night the whole agreeable impression of the afternoon reversed by dreams, “into which it might have been supposed Poe had put an infusion of his Mons [.] Valdemar with the green tea, the probable cause of them. All the evil I had ever heard of him took bodily shape in a series of most malignant scenes.(33)
On September 7 of the same year Duyckinck noted in reference to Edwin Forrest's offer of three thousand dollars for a new tragedy: “Poe today in town wonder struck wanting to know if there was really such an offer.”(34) That such meetings were rare is suggested by Duyckinck's reply to a letter from George W. Eveleth dated November 23, 1847. Eveleth had asked where Poe was living and whether it was true that Poe, as George Colton had reported, had stopped drinking.(35) Duyckinck replied in the “To Correspondents” section of the Sunday Dispatch for December 12: “We don't know where the gentleman you inquire for is residing; but are glad to hear from you, that he is so careful of himself.” To Eveleth's suggestion that he join Poe in establishing a monthly magazine, Duyckinck replied that the enterprise “might do, but we are too busy to undertake it.”(36) [page 98:]
After hearing Poe's lecture on “The Universe,” Duyckinck wrote to his brother George on February 4, 1848, that Poe's address was “full of a ludicrous dryness of scientific phrase — a mountainous piece of absurdity for a popular lecture and moreover an introduction to his projected magazine — the Stylus: for which it was to furnish funds. Why it drove people from the room, instead of calling in subscribers.”(37) At Poe's request(38) Duyckinck reprinted “Ulalume” in the Literary World for March 3, 1849. The accompanying note commented upon the “cold moonlight witchery” of the poem.(39) But he apparently did not grant what appears to be the last request Poe made of him — to buy “Von Kempelen and His Discovery” for the Literary World for ten dollars.(40)
The note on Poe's death in the Literary World set forth, the thesis that, generally, is characteristic of Duyckinck's later opinion of Poe — that he, though gifted, was deficient in the common feelings of mankind:
His character was a strange combination of good and evil, of strength and weakness. He had originality, the fastidiousness, the delicacy, the invention for achievements in the higher walks > of literature; but he lacked the common heart of humanity, on which success must always be based. There is an air of artificiality [page 99:] in all his writings. Many of the most striking and seemingly poetical are built up mathematically, curious pieces of joinery, mathematical contrivances of talent. They exhibit a rare ingenuity and withal something more, for the gloomy, melancholy burden which rises on the ear from his quaint verses and periods was an echo from his own broken life, and will live in the recollections of those who knew him with a mournful pathos.(41)
In the same vein are the remarks on Poe's writings in the Literary World review of the first two volumes of Griswold's edition of Poe's works. Here, however, the mechanistic, soulless quality of his productions is represented as a natural consequence of the author's personality:
Poe was strictly impersonal; as greatly so as any man whose acquaintance we have enjoyed. In a knowledge of him extending through several years, and frequent opportunities, we can scarcely remember to have had from him any single disclosure or trait of personal character; anything which marked him as a mover or observer among men. Although he had travelled in distant countries, sojourned in cities of our own country, and had, at different times, under favorable opportunities, been brought into contact with life and character of many phases, he had no anecdote to tell, no description of objects, dress, or appearance.... He lived entirely apart from the solidities and realities of life: was an abstraction; thought, wrote, and dealt solely in abstractions. It is this which gives their peculiar feature to his writings.(42)
Some months later, when Griswold issued the third volume of the edition containing the editor's “Memoir” and Poe's “Literati” sketches, the Literary World launched a vehement attack [page 100:] upon both Griswold and Poe:
As to Poe's criticisms themselves, which the Rev. Dr. Griswold has been at such pains to edit, at the same time that he charges his author with an utter want of conscience and principle — and which proceeding we would like to have the Rev. Editor reconcile to decency and common sense; as to Poe's critical libels or “honest opinions,” which Griswold has made his own, they have not the slightest earthly value. Poe was, in the very centre of his soul, a literary attorney, and he pleaded according to his fee. To omit, when properly invited to do so, to retain Poe, by an advance of his peculium, was to incur his everlasting hostility; and it is a striking illustration of this that the author, who is made the most constant occasion, throughout these six hundred pages, of malevolent abuse and misrepresentation, is one who, both from principle and necessity, never allowed himself to be taxed by the late Poe to the extent of a dollar.(43)
For Duyckinck's motivation in writing this notice, or, at least, in permitting its publication in his magazine, clarification is afforded by two passages in the work under review. These passages, which Griswold represented as coming from Poe's pen, refer to Duyckinck in a contemptuous manner. The first occurs in the “Memoir,” in which Griswold quoted from Poe's letter of August 9, 1846, to Philip P. Cooke. According to Griswold, Poe had written: “The last selection of my tales was made from about seventy by one of our great little cliquists and clauqers, Wiley and Putnam's reader, Duyckinck.”(44) The letter is extant and reveals that the phrase “one of our great little cliquists and claquers” is not Poe's.(45) The second passage [page 101:] occurs in the “Literati” sketch of Briggs as published by Griswold. The sketch appears to be a revision of the “Literati” paper on Briggs which had appeared in Godey's, which for the most part it reproduces. Existing manuscripts show that Poe did revise some of the “Literati” sketches, but no manuscript of a revised sketch of Briggs is known. In the sketch as published by Griswold reference is made to Briggs's novel, The Trippings of Tom Pepper, which had appeared since the publication of the original “Literati” paper on Briggs:
As a novel, it really has not the slightest pretensions. To a genuine artist in literature, he [Briggs] is as Plumbe to Sully. Plumbe's daguerreotypes have more fidelity than any portrait ever put on canvass [sic], and so Briggs's sketches of E. A. Duyckinck (Trippings) and the author of Puffer Hopkins (Ferocious) are as lifelike as any portraits in words that have ever been drawn. But the subjects are little and mean, pretending and vulgar. Mr. Briggs would not succeed in delineating a gentleman.(46)
Griswold's willingness to attack Duyckinck at the expense of Poe as shown by his interpolation in the letter to Cooke, suggests the possibility that these disparaging remarks were written, not by Poe, but by his editor.(47) [page 102:]
Later passages in the Literary World imply that Poe was guilty of plagiarism. A source for “The Haunted Palace” was seen in a poem by John Wolcot (“Peter Pindar”),(48) and “The Raven” was thought to owe something to a poem in an old number of Fraser's Magazine.(49) From a charge, which originated in the London Spectator, that “To One in Paradise” was little more than a copy of a poem by Tennyson, Poe was cleared by the poet laureate.(50)
The sketch of Poe in the Cyclopaedia of American Literature is austere but not devoid of sympathy. The outline of Poe's career, apparently influenced by Griswold's “Memoir,” is in some respects unjust, but it does not linger upon Poe's failings. The author of it was struck by the contradictions in the character of his subject:
At the close of this melancholy narrative a feeling of deep sorrow will be entertained by those familiar with the author's undoubted genius. It will be difficult to harmonize this wild and reckless life with the neatness and precision of his writings. The same discrepancy was apparent in his personal conduct. Neat to fastidiousness in his dress, and, ... in his handwriting; ingenious in the subtle employment of his faculties, with the nice sense of the gentleman in his conduct and intercourse with others while personally before them — there were influences constantly reversing the pure, healthy life these qualities should have represented. Had he been really in earnest, with what a solid brilliancy his writings might have shone forth to the world. With the moral proportioned to the intellectual faculty he would have been in the first rank of critics. In that large part of the critic's perceptions, a knowledge of the mechanism [page 103:] of composition, he has been unsurpassed by any writer in America; but lacking sincerity, his forced and contradictory critical opinions are of little value ... (51)
Perhaps Duyckinck eventually learned or came to suspect that Griswold had misrepresented Poe's attitude toward him; or perhaps his temperament was such that he took no pleasure in preserving the memory of old injuries. At any rate, the passages in Griswold's edition of the Literati seem to have had little permanent effect on his attitude toward Poe. Late in life, with no bitterness, he wrote the following poignant exposition of the tragedy of Poe's career:
Memoir of Poe by John H. Ingram prefixed to the new Edinburgh Edition of the works. A denial of rather than an apology for the unhappy life of Poe so miserably brought out by Griswold who gave the cue to subsequent biographers. Poe with all his moral defects has been hardly treated. Whatever vices he had, his writings have no particularly evil moral taint, to justify the incessant scarification of the man. They are cold intellectual abstractions but not criminal. Poe came into the world, for America a little too soon, at a period when there was the least possible encouragement for a man of genius; when the public was indifferent and in an inverse way of mending the matter the writers themselves were often absurdly antagonistic to each other. Now when there is better pay there is more mutual cheer.
Poe, cool and fastidious, aristocratic in his taste in literature should have been nurtured in a proud academic society. Then his splendid bile[?] might have ranked him with Landor or [word illegible]. As it was, he was compelled to splash among the minnows, entangling himself in the weeds and mud. Two things demoralized the man, his faulty temperament — his father was a Southerner and both parents were on the stage — and his daily necessities[;] in a life of poverty[,] of excessive pride, he was compelled to bear the humiliations of remorse and poverty. Intemperance was with him a disease. When he was out of its clutches, no one more gentlemanly or refined. There was even [page 104:] an atmosphere of nobleness, a certain air of power and authority about the man. If he was insincere, it was at times because he was indifferent. The stake was too trifling for him to preserve the honour of the game. He thought it no merit to be bound to consistency in maintaining the merits of the worthless productions of his friends. He started occasionally with a puff when his intellect uprose and extinguished the eulogy in withering satire. There was a touch of Mephistopheles in his composition, doubtless; but he could be open to genial impressions. The affectionate “Eddie” as he was always called by his mother in law, who cared for him so faithfully, speaks much in his favour and there is something very touching in that last message to her from the hospital where he was dying, — “write to her that Eddie is no more.”
It is a question in all such cases of the infirmities of authors how far the defects are the spurs of the accomplished excellence. The point is not easily settled. It involves the great question of the moral and, as its correlative, the immoral constitution of the world. But the very starting of the inquiry teaches us, or should teach us, charity and forbearance.
Poe was sensitive to opinion. He sought, at least, as I often witnessed, with an intense eagerness the smallest paragraph in a newspaper touching himself or his writings. What if he had lived a little longer to enjoy the European fame which his works were on the eve of receiving when he died. A few months longer and “Fame that the clear spirit doth raise” might have proved the beacon and incentive to a better and higher life.(52)
[The following footnote appears at the bottom of page 88:]
1 The quotation is from William Allen Butler, Memorial Sketch of the Life and Literary Labors of Evert Augustus Duyckinck, New York, 1879, p. 3. Other biographical data make use of Luther S. Mansfield, “Herman Melville; Author and New Yorker, 1844-1851” (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1936), pp. 33-65; John Stafford, The Literary Criticism of ‘Young America’; A Study in the Relationship of Politics and Literature, 1837-1850, Berkeley, California, 1952; the sketch of Duyckinck by Victor H. Paltsits in Dictionary of American Biography; Evert A. and George L. Duyckinck, Cyclopaedia of American Literature ... , New York, 1880, II, 838; The National Cyclopaedia of Biography ... , New York, 1892-1951, I, 431; James Grant Wilson and John Fiske, eds., Appletons’ Cyclopaedia of American Biography, New York, 1887-1889; James Grant Wilson, Bryant and His Friends; Some Reminiscences of the Knickerbocker Writers, New York, 1886, pp.417-419; Samuel Osgood, “Evert Augustus Duyckinck,” New England Historical and Genealogical Register, XXXXIII, 133-148 (April, 1879); and the obituary notices in the New York Times, August 15, 1878, p.2, and the Tribune of same date, p. 5.
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 89:]
[The following footnote appears at the bottom of page 90:]
4 The letter is copied on p.5 of a notebook entitled “Miscellany” in the Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library. The notebook also contains copies of letters from Duyckinck to other correspondents. The letter is not mentioned in Ostrom's discussion of the Poe-Duyckinck correspondence (op. cit., II, 511) and apparently has not previously been noticed. A later indication of Duyckinck's interest in Poe's charge of plagiarism against Longfellow is found in Poe's letter to Duyckinck, December 24, 1846: “You remember showing me about a year ago, at your house, some English stanzas — by a lady I think — from the rhythm of which Longfellow had imitated the rhythm of his Proem to his ‘Waif.’ I wish very much to see the poem ...” (Ostrom, op. cit., II, 334).
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 91:]
5 Quoted in Hull, op. cit., p.468.
6 Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, op. cit., II, 42.
7 Quoted by Davidson in an undated letter to John H. Ingram; the Poe-Ingram Papers, Alderman Library, University of Virginia.
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 92:]
8 Ostrom, op. cit., II, pp.328-329. See also Poe's similar comments on the volume in the Broadway Journal, II, 10 (July 12, 1845), and in his letter to George W. Eveleth, December 15, 1846 (Ostrom, op. cit., II, 332).
9 copy of Duyckinck's letter to Charles Eaves, August 18, 1845, in a notebook entitled “Miscellany,” Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library.
10 Poe to Duyckinck, September 10, 1845; Ostrom, op. cit., I, 207.
11 I, 26-28 (January 11, 1845).
12 I, 71-72 (February 1, 1845).
13 Quinn, op. cit., pp. 595-596.
[The following footnotes appears at the bottom of page 93:]
14 Above, p.46.
15 Ostrom, op. cit., I, 300-301.
16 Ibid., I, 305.
17 Ibid., II, 309.
18 Poe to Duyckinck, January 30, 1846; ibid., II, 312-313.
19 Ibid., p.316. The announcement appeared in the Tribune for May 1, 1846.
20 Poe to Duyckinck, June 29, 1846 (Ostrom, op., cit., II, 323), and to Godey, July 16, 1846 (ibid., II, 324).
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 94:]
21 Ibid., p. 336.
22 Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library.
23 Quinn, op. cit., p. 476; Phillips, op. cit., II, 1045-1047. Miss Phillips cites a “Sun clipping” which apparently gave specific information on this subject.
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 95:]
24 Oliphant, Odell, and Eaves, op. cit., II, 98-99.
25 Paragraph LVI of a notebook entitled “The Day-Book of Life; Occasional Reflections of Evert A. Duyckinck,” Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library.
26 II, 168 (September 20, 1845).
27 Copy of letter in notebook entitled “Miscellany,” Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library.
28 Godey's, XXXIII, 15-16 (July, 1846); Works, XV, 58-61.
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 96:]
29 Below, this page.
30 Those of Hunt, Verplanck, Wetmore, and Miss Embury.
31 Paragraph LVIII of “The Day-Book of Life,” Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library.
32 1856 ed., II, 538.
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 97:]
33 Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library.
34 Ibid.
35 Below, p. 135.
36 Mabbott, The Letters from George W. Eveleth to Edgar Allan Poe, pp. 24-25.
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 98:]
37 Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library.
38 Poe to Duyckinck, February 16, 1849; Ostrom, op. cit., II, 428.
39 IV, 202.
40 Poe to Duyckinck, March 8, 1849; Ostrom, op. cit., II, 433.
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 99:]
41 V, 319 (October 13, 1849). The articles on Poe in the Literary World, are unsigned; I assume that, if Evert Duyckinck did not write them, they reflect something of his attitude toward Poe.
42 VI, 81 (January 26, 1850).
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 100:]
43 VII, 228 (September 21, 1850).
44 Literati (1850), p. xxxi.
45 Above, p. 91; Quinn, op. cit., p 673.
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 101:]
46 Literati (1850), p.36; Works, XV, 264. Plumbe's National Daguerrean Gallery was located on Broadway on the corner of Murray Street. The artist Thomas Sully had painted a portrait of Poe. Cornelius Mathews was the author of The Career of Puffer Hopkins, published in the Arcturus, 1841-1842. [[Although there are several portraits that are said to be of Poe and by Sully, none have been authenticated. — JAS]]
47 Professor Thomas O. Mabbott, by conversation and letter, informs me that he suspects Griswold's hand in the passage. Mansfield, op. cit., pp. 54-55, gives an account of the ill feelings between Duyckinck and Griswold, which had begun as early as [page 102:]
[The following footnotes appear at the bottom of page 102:]
48 VII, 274 (September 8, 1850).
49 XII, 497 (June 18, 1853).
50 XII, 102-103 (February 5, 1853); XII, 147 (February 19, 1853).
[The following footnote appears at the bottom of page 103:]
51 1856 ed., II, 539.
[The following footnote appears at the bottom of page 104:]
52 Entry in Duyckinck's diary under the date November 1, 1875; Duyckinck Collection, New York Public Library.
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Notes:
None.
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[S:0 - PNYL, 1954] - Edgar Allan Poe Society of Baltimore - Bookshelf - Poe and the New York Literati (Reece)